India After Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy
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17
‘Bloody Aftermath’, India Today, 31 December 1992.
18
Clarence Fernandez and Naresh Fernandes, ‘The Winter of Discontent’, in Dileep Padgaonkar, ed., When Bombay Burned (New Delhi: UBSPD, 1993), pp. 12–41.
19
Kalpana Sharma, ‘Chronicle of a Riot Foretold’, in Sujata Patel and Alice Thorner, eds, Bombay: Metaphor for Modern India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 277.
20
Translated from the Marathi and quoted in Vaibhav Purandare, The Sena Story (Mumbai: Business Publications, 1999), p. 369.
21
Clarence Fernandez and Naresh Fernandes, ‘A City at War with Itself’, in Padgaonkar, When Bombay Burned, pp. 42–104; Sharma, ‘Chronicle’, pp. 278–86.
22
Behram Contractor, ‘Bombay Has Lost its Character’, Afternoon Dispatch and Courier, 10 January 1993, reprinted in ‘Busybee’, When Bombay was Bombed: Best of 1992–3 (Bombay: Oriana Books, 2004).
23
Quoted in Lise McKean, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 315.
24
Asoka Mehta, The Political Mind of India (Bombay: Socialist Party, 1952), p. 38.
25
Taya and Maurice Zinkin, ‘The Indian General Elections’, The World Today, vol. 8, no. 5, May 1952.
26
Susanne Hoeber and Lloyd I. Rudolph, ‘The Centrist Future of Indian Politics’, Asian Survey, vol. 20, no. 6, June 1980.
27
See the evidence and testimonies in Peter Gottschalk, Beyond HinduandMuslim: Multiple Identities in Narratives from Village India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001).
28
Khadar Mohiuddin, ‘Birthmark’, in Velcheru Narayana Rao, ed. and trans., TwentiethCentury Telugu Poetry: An Anthology (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 221–7.
29
D. R. Goyal, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, 2nd edn (New Delhi: Radhakrishna Prakashan, 2000), pp. 17–18. For a fuller exposition of this ideology, and from the horse’s mouth as it were, see M. S. Golwalkar, Bunch of Thoughts (Bangalore: Vikrama Prakashan, 1966).
30
On the growth of the RSS since 1947 see, among other works, Tapan Basu et al., Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags: A Critique of the Hindu Right (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1993); Thomas Blom Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999); Pralay Kanungo, ‘Hindutva’s Entry into a “Hindu Province”: Early Years of RSS in Orissa’, Economic and Political Weekly, 2 August 2003; Nandini Sundar, ‘Teaching to Hate: RSS’s Pedagogical Programme’, Economic and Political Weekly, 17 April 2004.
31
Cf. Thomas Blom Hansen, Urban Violence in India: Identity Politics, ‘Mumbai’, and the Postcolonial City (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001), p. 85.
32
Neerja Chowdhury, ‘Sonia Takes a Political Dip at the Kumbh’, New Indian Express, 20 January 2001.
33
On this last incident, see The Telegraph (Kolkata), 25 January 1999.
34
On the latter question see P. N. Mari Bhatt and A. J. Francis Zavier, ‘Role of Religion in Fertility Decline: The Case of Indian Muslims’, Economic and Political Weekly, 29 January 2005.
35
See Ashish Sharma, ‘Losing their Religion’, Express Magazine, 9 July 2000.
36
This paragraph draws upon, among other works, M. K. A. Siddiqui, Muslims in Free India: Their Social Profile and Problems (New Delhi: Institute of Objective Studies, 1998); Abusaleh Shariff, ‘On the Margins: Muslims in a State of Socio-Economic Decline’, Times of India, 22 October 2004; Yogendra Sikand, ‘Lessons of the Past: Madrasa Education in South Asia’, Himal, vol. 14, no. 11, November 2001, and ‘Countering Fundamentalism: The Ban on SIMI’, Economic and Political Weekly, 6 October 2001; Arjumand Ara, ‘Madrasas and Making of Muslim Identity in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, 3 January 2004.
37
Navnita Chadha Behera, State, Identity and Violence: Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh (New Delhi: Manohar, 2000), p. 179.
38
Sonia Jabbar, ‘Spirit of Place’, in Civil Lines 5: New Writing from India (New Delhi: IndiaInk, 2001), pp. 28–9.
39
Cf. reports in The Telegraph (Kolkata), 1 April 1990; in Frontline, 14–27 April 1990; Illustrated Weekly of India, 17 June 1990; Times of India, 11 February 1991. See also Alexander Evans, ‘A Departure from History: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990–2001’, Contemporary South Asia, vol. 11, no. 1, 2002.
40
Cf. Praveen Swami, ‘The Nadimarg Outrage’, Frontline, 25 April 2003.
41
This paragraph is based on Hasan Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America’s War on Terror (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2005), chapters 9 and 10. The Tariq Ali quote comes from his The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads, and Modernity (London: Verso, 2002), p. 196.
42
Yoginder Sikand, ‘Changing Course of Kashmiri Struggle: From National Liberation to Islamist Jihad’, Economic and Political Weekly, 20 January 2001.
43
Pamela Constable, ‘Selective Truths’, in S. Thakur et al., Guns and Yellow Roses: Essays on the Kargil War (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1999), p. 52; Hafiz Mohammed Saeed, interviewed by Amir Mir in Outlook, 23 July 2001.
44
Cf. Anil Nauriya, ‘The Destruction of a Historic Party’, Mainstream, 17 August 2002; Praveen Swami, ‘The Killing of Lone’, Frontline, 21 June 2002.
45
News report in the Times of India, 24 January 1990; Joshua Hammer, ‘Srinagar Dispatch’, New Republic, 12 November 2001.
46
Reeta Chowdhuri-Tremblay, ‘Differing Responses to the Parliamentary and Assembly Elections in Kashmir’s Regions, and State-Societal Relations’, in Paul Wallace and Ramashray Roy, eds, India’s 1999 Elections and 20th-Century Politics (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2003).
47
Prabhu Ghate, ‘Kashmir: The Dirty War’, Economic and Political Weekly, 26 January 2002.
48
Jaleel, ‘I Have Seen my Country Die’, The Telegraph (Kolkata), 26 May 2002.
49
James Buchan, ‘Kashmir’, Granta, no. 57, spring 1997, p. 66.
50
See A. G. Noorani, ed., The Babri Masjid Question, vol. 2 (New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2003), pp. 197ff.
51
See Jyoti Punwani, ‘The Carnage at Godhra’, in Siddharth Varadarajan, ed., Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2002).
52
Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002), esp. pp. 229–30, 240–1, 275–7; Jan Breman, ‘Ghettoization and Communal Politics: The Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in the Hindutva Landscape’, in Ramachandra Guha and Jonathan Parry, eds, Institutions and Inequalities: Essays for André Béteille (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999); Udit Chaudhuri, ‘Gujarat: The Riots and the Larger Decline’, Economic and Political Weekly, 2–9November 2002.
53
Nandini Sundar, ‘A Licence to Kill: Patterns of Violence in Gujarat’, in Varadarajan, Gujarat; Achyut Yagnik and Suchitra Sheth, The Shaping of Modern Gujarat: Plurality, Hindutva and Beyond (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2005), chapter 11; report by Ashis Chakrabarti in The Telegraph (Kolkata), 18 May 2002.
54
Bela Bhatia, ‘A Step Back in Sabarkantha’, Seminar, May 2002.
55
Anand Soondas, ‘Gujarat’s Children of a Lesser God’, The Telegraph (Kolkata), 13 March 2002; ‘Gujarat Villagers Set Terms for Muslims to Come Home’, New Indian Express, 6 May 2002.
56
Cf. Varadarajan, Gujarat, pp. 22f. For an insightful profile of Narendra Modi, see Sankarshan Thakur, ‘The Man Who Could Be Prime Minister’, Man’s World, December 2002.
&nb
sp; 57
Frontline, 1 January 1993; Sunday, 13–19 December 1992; India Today, 31 December 1992.
58
Michael S. Serrill, ‘India: The Holy War’, Time, 21 December 1992.
59
The Times, 7 and 8 December 1992.
60
Geoffrey Morehouse, ‘Chronicle of a Death Foretold’, the Guardian, 10 March 2001.
61
Paul R. Brass, The Politics of India Since Independence, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 353–4, 365–6, 348–9.
28. RULERS
1
Anon., ‘After Nehru . . .’, Economic Weekly, special issue, July 1958.
2
When, in a column in The Hindu newspaper, I quoted from this prescient essay, correspondents wrote in to suggest who the anonymous writer might be. One who read the essay when it first appeared speculated that it might have been Nehru himself. Another (and in my view more likely) candidate is Penderel Moon, the ex ICS officer who worked with the government of India for a decade after Independence before retiring to All Souls College, Oxford.
3
Cf. M. P. Singh and Rekha Saxena, India at the Polls: Parliamentary Elections in the Federal Phase (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
4
E. Sridharan, ‘Coalition Strategies and the BJP’s Expansion, 1989–2004’, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, vol. 43, no. 2, 2005.
5
See Rasheed Kidwai, Sonia: A Biography (New Delhi: Viking Penguin, 2003).
6
Harish Khare, ‘Reloading the Family Matrix’, Seminar, June 2003.
7
Sridharan, ‘Electoral Coalitions in 2004 General Elections: Theory and Evidence’, Economic and Political Weekly, 18 December 2004.
8
These paragraphs on the changes in the party system draw upon, among other works: E. Sridharan, ‘The Fragmentation of the Indian Party System, 1952–1999: Seven Competing Explanations’, in Zoya Hasan, ed., Parties and Party Politics in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002); Mahesh Rangarajan, ‘Congress in Crisis’, Seminar, January 2003; M. J. Akbar, ‘Prop and Proposition’, Asian Age, 13 July 2003; Giuseppe Flora, ‘The Crisis of 1989–1992: Some Reflections’, in K. N. Bakshi and F. Scialpi, eds, India 1947–1997: Fifty Years of Independence (Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 2002).
9
Robin Jeffrey, ‘“No Party Dominant”: India’s New Political System’, Himal, March 2002, p. 41.
10
These studies are summarized in Sunil Jain, ‘Vote Vajpayee’, Business Standard, 16 February 2004.
11
This account of the Cauvery dispute is based on S. Guhan, The Cauvery River Water Dispute: Towards Conciliation (Madras: Frontline, 1993); Ramaswamy R. Iyer, Water: Perspectives, Issues, Concerns (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2003), chapter 3.
12
Ramaswamy R. Iyer, ‘Punjab Water Imbroglio’, Economic and Political Weekly, 31 July 2004; Satyapal Dang, ‘Amrinder Singh and River Water Dispute’, Mainstream, 4 September 2004.
13
See D. Bandyopadhyay, Saila K. Ghosh and Buddhadeb Ghosh, ‘Dependency versus Autonomy: Identity Crisis of India’s Panchayats’, Economic and Political Weekly, 20 September 2003.
14
For details, see Mahi Pal, ‘Panchayati Raj and Rural Governance: Experiences of a Decade’, Economic and Political Weekly, 10 January 2004.
15
See T. M. Thomas Isaac and Richard W. Franke, Local Democracy and Development: People’s Campaign for Decentralized Planning in Kerala (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2000); Jos Chathukulam and M. S. John, ‘Five Years of Participatory Government in Kerala: Rhetoric and Reality’, Economic and Political Weekly, 7 December 2002.
16
Rashmi Sharma, ‘Kerala’s Decentralisation: Idea in Practice’, Economic and Political Weekly, 6 September 2003; Pranab Bardhan and Dilip Mookherjee, ‘Poverty Alleviation Efforts of Panchayats in West Bengal’, Economic and Political Weekly, 28 February 2004; Arild Engelsen Ruud, Poetics of Village Politics: The Making of West Bengal’s Rural Communism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003); Nirmal Mukharji and D. Bandopadhyay, ‘New Horizons for West Bengal Panchayats’, in Amitava Mukherjee, ed., Decentralization: Panchayats in the Nineties (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994).
17
There is a growing academic literature on these questions. See, inter alia, the essays by Niraja Gopal Jayal, Bishnu N. Mohapatra and Sudha Pai in the ‘Democracy and Social Capital’ special issue of Economic and Political Weekly, 24 February 2001; S. Sumathi and V. Sudarsen, ‘What Does the New Panchayat System Guarantee: A Case Study of Pappapatti’, Economic and Political Weekly, 20 August 2005.
18
Cf. the critique of Nehru’s views in Jaswant Singh, Defending India (Bangalore: Macmillan India, 1999), pp. 29, 39, 42–3, 57–8 etc.
19
Stephen P. Cohen, India: Emerging Power (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 144–5.
20
Anupam Srivastava, ‘India’s Growing Missile Ambitions: Assessing the Technical and Strategic Dimensions’, Asian Survey, vol. 40, no. 2, 2000.
21
George Perkovich, India’s Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 364–76.
22
Ibid., p. 412.
23
Quoted in Raj Chengappa, Weapons of Peace: The Secret Story of India’s Quest to be a Nuclear Power (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 2000), pp. 51–2.
24
See Paul R. Dettman, India Changes Course: Golden Jubilee to Millennium (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2001), pp. 41f.
25
Interview in Newsline (Karachi), June 1998.
26
Bhumitra Chakma, ‘Toward Pokharan II: Explaining India’s Nuclearisation Process’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 39, no. 1, 2005.
27
For the links between the 1998 tests and India’s wider ambitions see Hilary Synnott, The Causes and Consequences of South Asia’s Nuclear Tests, Adelphi Paper 332 (London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1999); Ashok Kapur, Pokharan and Beyond: India’s Nuclear Behaviour (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001). The arguments of the critics of India’s nuclear ambitions are collected in M. V. Ramana and C. Rammanohar Reddy, eds, Prisoners of the Nuclear Dream (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
28
See the cover story in India Today, 1 March 1999.
29
On why and how Pakistan planned the Kargil operation, see Hasan Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America’s War on Terror (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2005), pp. 169–74; Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the Storm (New Delhi: Viking, 2002), pp. 87ff.;Aijaz Ahmad, ‘The Many Roads to Kargil’, Frontline, 16 July 1999.
30
Praveen Swami, The Kargil War, revised edn (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2000), pp. 10–11.
31
Rahul Bedi, ‘A Dismal Failure’, in S. Thakur et al., Guns and Yellow Roses: Essays on the Kargil War (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1999), p. 142.
32
The course of the Kargil war is described in the works cited in notes 30 and 31 above, and in Srinjoy Chowdhury, Despatches from Kargil (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2000).
33
Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism, p. 174; interview with Nawaz Sharif in India Today, 26 July 2004.
34
Cf. news reports in the Asian Age, 4 July 1999; The Telegraph (Kolkata), 9 July 1999; The Hindu, 19 July 1999.
35
The Asian Age, 6 July 1999; The Hindu, 4 July 1999.
36
Sarabjit Pandher, ‘Spirit of Nationalism Eclipses Memories of [Operation] Bluestar’, The Hindu, 16 June 1999.
37
‘Army Job Seekers Go Berserk’, The Hindu, 18 July 1999.
38
Sonia Jabbar, ‘
Blood Soil: Chittisinghpora and After’, in Urvashi Butalia, ed., Speaking Peace: Women’s Voices from Kashmir (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 2002), pp. 226f
39
There has been some dispute about the agents of the Chittisinghpora massacre. For the argument that the killers were recruited by Indian intelligence, which then sought to pin the blame on Pakistan, see Pankaj Mishra, Temptations of the West: How to be Modern in India, Pakistan and Beyond (London: Picador, 2006), pp. 197f. For the alternate point of view, namely, that the killers were militants who came in from Pakistan, see Praveen Swami, ‘Iron Veils: Reporting Sub-continental Warfare in India’, in Nalini Rajan, editor, Practising Journalism: Values, Constraints, Implications (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005). My own conclusion that these were most likely freelancers from across the border, is guided, among other things, by a key piece of evidence provided by the survivors. This was that the killers spoke both Punjabi and Urdu. Now Urdu is spoken by many Muslims in the Indian State of Uttar Pradesh who, however, do not speak any Punjabi. And the only Punjabis who speak Urdu in the Indian State of Punjab would have had their schooling in that language before Partition. They would now be at least seventy years of age, and presumably in no position to trek over high hills to effect a mass murder. On the other hand, there are millions of able-bodied young men in Pakistan Punjab who speak both their mother tongue and the national language, Urdu.
As this book must have made quite clear by now, the Indian state has been guilty of many criminal acts in Jammu and Kashmir. But the massacre of the Sikhs in Chittisinghpora does not appear to be among them.
40
See Atal Behari Vajpayee, ‘Musings from Kumarakom’, The Hindu, 2 January 2001.
41
For a list of major terrorist strikes see the Indian Express, 7 April 2005.
42
Himal South Asian, June 2002; Michael Krepon, ‘No Easy Exits’, India Today, 10 June 2002.
43
See Hindustan Times, 19 May 2002.
44
James Michael Lyngdoh, Chronicle of an Impossible Election: The Election Commission and the 2002 Jammu and Kashmir Assembly Elections (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2004), pp. 129, 141–2, 149–50, 180–1 etc.
45
Rekha Chowdhury and Nagendra Rao, ‘Kashmir Elections 2002: Implications for Politics of Separatism’, Economic and Political Weekly, 4 January 2003.