Just how strongly Elizabeth reciprocated is difficult to assess. True to her time, she was what Jan Morris described as one of “the cool amusing ladies of the age of reason.”7 The admiral could see the virtue of marriage to his wife’s niece. Simcoe had the talent to rise in the service, and the common sense to take care of Elizabeth’s fortune. An admirable arrangement, he foresaw, a good husband for Elizabeth, and a responsible man who would use her fortune wisely. His godson was too honourable a man to marry her simply for her money.
As his energy revived, Simcoe occasionally rode into Exeter to see old friends, and to make new ones. In February 1782, he was made a Freeman of the City. Earlier, this honour had been bestowed on Edward Drewe, whose fortunes had not progressed much since his court martial back in 1780. He was still protesting his innocence. Another new friend, also named Edward Drewe, was a cousin of his old army friend. He was the son of Francis Drewe of The Grange, the manor house outside the thatched-roofed village of Broadhembury. This second Edward was studying for holy orders, and in a few years he would be ordained, a calling Simcoe thought was as worthy as the military.8
During the winter, Simcoe made a few more visits to London, in the hope of furthering his career. In 1782 the journey was not very comfortable — by stagecoach from Honiton, on the main coach route between London and Exeter. He had to stop overnight at a hostelry in or near the cathedral city of Salisbury. He must have found the travelling hard despite the improvement in his overall health.
He saw more of Lord Rawdon, and he made a useful new friend, James Bland Burges, an ambitious politician. Like Rawdon, Burges was better-born than Simcoe; his father, George, had a military career and was famous for capturing the standard carried by Bonnie Prince Charlie’s body guard at Culloden in 1746. Later, George was comptroller-general of the Scottish customs. James Bland Burges’ s mother, Anne, was a daughter of the Scottish peer, Lord Somerville. Simcoe probably became acquainted with James through the latter’s sister, Mary Anne Burges. Mary Anne, the same age and a very dear friend of Elizabeth Gwillim, was a regular visitor to Hembury Fort House, and for a time she had resided in Bath.9
Of the two young women, Mary Anne was the more intellectual, and the leader in their studies of Spanish. She was a competent botanist and fascinated by geology. She was also shy, but she entered heartily into discussions on the history and structure of the Blackdown Hills. Like Elizabeth she was a good rider. During her visits Simcoe often accompanied both girls to Hembury Fort and to other sites worth investigating. Still he was at a loose end and wondering when he might find new employment. Meanwhile, he was falling more in love with Elizabeth Gwillim. Elizabeth was his choice, although he found Mary Anne Burges a good companion. Whether Elizabeth’s wealth made the difference is beyond contemplation. Mary Anne lived on a small allowance from her Somerville relations, and the earnings for articles she wrote for magazines and pamphlets.
Throughout the winter, responsibility for the welfare of the Queen’s Rangers weighed heavily on Simcoe. Letters from Captain Stair Agnew particularly offended him. On 26 February, Agnew had written, from St. Malo’s castle, reciting the hardships he had endured since before the surrender at Yorktown. Taken prisoner earlier in the campaign, he had been handed, as a prisoner, to the French, and with other officers, taken aboard the ship Romulus. Agnew was moved, with others, to the Hermione for transport to France, but the ship was rerouted to Boston. There he was put on La Concorde bound for “St. Domingo,” where he arrived on 6 July. He would have been sent to the common prison except for the humanity of the captain of La Concorde. He was kept in a hospital for four months, where the “cells were very hot.” At that time the French and the American rebels were operating in Virginia. On 23 October, which was after the surrender at Yorktown, the officer-prisoners were put on ships “armed en Flute” (at the time a term applying to naval transport vessels) for France. The passage had been dismal.
Here, Agnew stated that his father had been among the prisoners. One ship foundered, while the one carrying Agnew and his father lost its rudder in a storm. They escaped from the endangered ship, only to be treated more barbarously in France. On 6 December they reached Brest, and were confined in Dinant Castle, possibly as hostages for French officers held captive by Admiral Arbuthnot. (Marriot Arbuthnot had a reputation as a bungler.) The Agnews were placed in the castle dungeon, and Stair suspected “a secret reason for such treatment.” He had written to Lord George Germain before he had been denied pen, ink and paper. He hoped that Simcoe would inform his friends of their miserable situation in case his own letter should not reach Germain.
Captain Agnew wrote again, on 20 August 1782. He had not heard from Simcoe, but was now on parole, by order of the Duke of Harcourt, the governor of Normandy. The American minister (Benjamin Franklin) had sent word that the Americans wanted captured officers detained in France, probably until they had negotiated a peace with Great Britain. Agnew enclosed a letter from Franklin to Germain, disclaiming all knowledge of prisoners detained in France. In the next breath Franklin agreed that prisoners could reside in Caen. “Such are the misfortunes attendant on civil war,” Agnew concluded. “Are we not British officers? Are we not French prisoners?” Simcoe was aware that Germain had been negotiating for the release of prisoners before he himself had returned to England, thus far to no avail.10
After he had done what he felt he could for the unfortunate Agnews, Simcoe thought of making a visit to the Newcastle area in the hope of tracing his father’s relations, people named Blackett, although he wondered whether they were “extinct.” During his mother’s lifetime, she might have told him something, but typical of youth, his curiosity had not yet been aroused. From London on 1 July 1782, he wrote to Admiral Graves thanking him for a letter of credit.11 At that time his social life would have been rather expensive. His calendar included a visit to Strawberry Hill in Middlesex, then a delightful village on the Thames River not far from London. Apparently William Pitfield of Exeter had “ordered” him to visit the place. Simcoe was travelling at that time with his old friend, William Walcot, who was visiting from Northamptonshire. In closing his letter, Simcoe sent his respects to Miss Gwillim and Miss Graves. The latter was probably Mary Graves, the only daughter of naval Captain Thomas Graves, a nephew of the admiral.12
While he was in London, Simcoe endeavoured to have his promotion to brevet colonel backdated to the date of his Provincial promotion during his active command of the Queen’s Rangers. He was also concerned about his seniority in the British Army, which would affect his pension. He travelled back to Devonshire in late summer, looking forward to the company of Miss Gwillim. Whether an understanding existed before his return is unknown, but soon after he arrived at Hembury Fort House he began looking for an estate that would make a suitable home for his bride to be. It would, of course, be purchased mainly from Elizabeth’s fortune, but Simcoe was determined to make a wise choice.
A good-sized property known as “Woolford Church” caught his eye. It lay above the valley through which flowed the tiny River Wolf. The land was situated in the parish of Dunkeswell, high in the Blackdowns, north of Honiton, and only a short way from Hembury Fort House, as the crow flew. He employed Robert Gidley, a Honiton agent, to explore the estate’s potential. The old single-storeyed manor house, which he thought would have to be replaced, was situated with a view down towards the sea at Sidmouth. The site was admirable, the dwelling impossible.
Author J.A. Sparks thought that Wolford (or Woolford) took its name from a 7th century Mercian king, Wulfer, and that a church may have stood there, named in his honour — thus “Wulferchurche.” It may have been presented to the Cistercian monks of Dunkeswell Abbey, which had been founded in 1201 A.D. In 1496 the name changed to “Wullforde Churche” and by 1782 to “Woolford Church.” On the other hand, the name may derive from a church that Cistercian monks built on the River Wolf as an adjunct to their abbey. Perhaps the interesting background of the property held a strong attraction for
a man much fascinated by history.13
On 9 November 1782, Robert Gidley wrote to Simcoe supplying him with information about the “Wolford Church Estate,”owned at that time by a Mr. Peter Genest. Wolford Church was let to a farmer named John Marks for a term of seven years from Lady Day 1778 at an annual rent of £128 “tithe free.” The best part of the house, Gidley reported, was preserved. Mr. Genest discharged the Land Tax (a form of taxation introduced in 1762 and destined to remain in force until 1832. The usual rate was four shillings in the pound. Records from 1780 to 1832 list individuals paying the tax in each county.) Gidley had arranged for the property to be surveyed and he informed Simcoe that Genest had fixed a price of £2,730. Tithes, theoretically a tenth of the income of the estate from its various sources, went to the upkeep of the incumbent of the local parish church.
Gidley wrote again on 26 November, enclosing a comprehensive history of the parish of Dunkeswell together with details of transactions involving Wolford in 1632. The individuals concerned were Theophilis Marwood and Hannibal Rowe. Gidley confirmed that he had instructed Mr. Townsend, Mr. Genest’s lawyer, that Simcoe was also interested in acquiring an additional property named “Little Wolford Church.”
Meanwhile, preparations were well in hand for the wedding of Colonel Simcoe and Miss Gwillim. The ceremony would take place at the parish church of St. Mary and St. Giles, Buckerell, situated about a mile from Hembury Fort House. Still, Simcoe found time for another visit to London, and was there when Gidley wrote to him on 21 December:
I have received the favour of your letter and will do the best in my power for your service but apprehend from it you do not mean for an absolute bargain until you return into the country [Devon] nor does there appear to me any necessity for it as you will be here again so soon and there is no present appearance of another purchaser. If I mistake you please set me right. I have writ Mr. Townsend and by the same note have asked the price of the other estates and titles as you desire.
As to the right of enclosing the common from all other proprietors I think it cannot be done, at least without their full consent, which will be difficult to obtain [,] great parts of the land being under settlement — several parts of it have been inclosed, from time to time by several of the proprietors for which small acknowledgements are paid by them at the court but this cannot give any permanent right to such [letter torn] … made several inclosures on the Common which the first Mr. Genest disputed with him, at great expence, succeeded, and threw all the hedges down again. The banks are still to be seen there.
Mr. Genest’s covenant to produce the Title Deeds to protect your title to the premises if his title is approved of and you become the purchaser effectually answer your purpose, it is everyday done and when Gentlemen dismember their estates it must, of necessity be done this way, especially when a Gentleman reserves any part of the estate to himself as in the present case; an attested copy of the original conveyance of Mr. Genest’s Estates from Marwood and Rowe to go with the conveyances. The Rights and Immunities belonging to the premises being very particularly granted by those conveyances which will be proper for you to have by you to refer to on all occasions.
I am, Sir, your &c
Robt. Gidley.14
Enclosure of common land was one method of enlarging an estate. Much has been written about the evils of the system which deprived the poor of free grazing. In fact, enclosure was part of the agricultural revolution. Open fields, and leaving potentially arable land for common grazing, were inefficient. If land was to become more productive, the old system required reform. Rather than depriving the poor of their livelihood, Simcoe as showing foresight that was characteristic of the man.
He was back at Hembury Fort House by 30 December, and he probably found Gidley’s letter waiting for him. On the 25th, the Queen’s Rangers were officially put on the British establishment, and all the commissions bore this date. The officers would receive the benefits as regulars, no longer second-rate Provincials. Simcoe himself was now the lieutenant colonel commandant of the “Queen’s American Rangers.” Thus they ware described on The Army List, but unlike Lord Rawdon’s Irishmen, Simcoe’s regiment was never numbered.15
On the 30th the party left Hembury Fort House and drove by carriage to the peaceful and pretty village of Buckerell, to the fifteenth century parish church. Ancient yew trees shade many of the graves of past parishioners, a spot reminiscent of part of Thomas Grey’s “Elegy”:
Beneath those rugged elm, that Yew-tree’s shade,
Where heaves the turf in many a mouldring heap,
Each in his narrow cell for ever laid,
The rude Forefathers of the hamlet sleep.
Buckerell lay in the “Hundred” of Hemyock. A “hundred” was an administrative division of a shire, introduced into England in the tenth century. The name is now historic. A parish is still of considerable importance in the county structure and has its own council of elected representatives. Like others, the church of St. Mary and St. Giles is usually locked. The church can be visited by arrangement with the incumbent or churchwarden, to view a memorial to Admiral Samuel Graves, and an 18th-century plan of the church showing the location of the Graves’ family pew.
Lieutenant Colonel John Graves Simcoe and Miss Elizabeth Posthuma Gwillim were married by licence, more costly than having the banns read and customary among the wealthy members. The local curate, Thomas Roskilly, officiated. His surname signified West Country origin, but Cornish rather than Devonian. The witnesses were Admiral and Mrs. Graves. Most likely, the church was filled to capacity by the local gentry and by friends who had come from Exeter, London, from the bride’s family in the Welsh borderlands, Northamptonshire and elsewhere. Some of the guests would have stayed with the Graves, other members of the gentry, or at coaching inns such as the Dolphin in Honiton. Military uniforms lent a note of colour, in addition to the ladies’ gowns. One man who was certainly invited was the local Member of Parliament, Sir George Yonge, whose country seat was Escot, near Honiton. John Graves and Elizabeth were now Colonel and Mrs. Simcoe. Still unsettled was a place to live.
NINE
WOOLFORD LODGE 1783–1787
The war was as much as over. Preliminary articles of peace had been signed in Paris. The Queen’s Rangers, in limbo on Long Island, would be taken by sea to Nova Scotia for resettlement. Some of the officers would prefer England, but the majority were to be settled in the landward portion of the colony that would be separated the following year as the Province of New Brunswick. Two who would be coming to England were Captain David Shank and Lieutenant George Spencer. Major Richard Armstrong was in command until the Rangers would be disbanded on British territory. Captain Stair Agnew was able to leave France and settle at Nashwaak (north of Fredericton), an area allocated to the Queen’s Rangers and their dependents. John Agnew, the regimental chaplain, also settled there. John may be the father Stair did not mention by name in his letters to Simcoe. Many Ranger officers would be leaders in the civil and military life of New Brunswick.1
In his account of the war years, Simcoe revealed nothing of his religious views. That he was a devout Anglican emerges as he settled into civilian life in Devonshire. He did not refer to the work his chaplain did during the arduous campaigns, but it must have been significant. As his circle of friends in Devon increased, many were members of the Church of England clergy.
In April 1783, Robert Gidley, the agent, informed Simcoe that acquiring “Little Woolford Church Estate” posed no problem, but he had had no word from Peter Genest, the owner of “Woolford Church Estate.” Simcoe’s new legal adviser, Christopher Flood, helped with the final details, and by 15 June, Simcoe was sending his letters showing his address as “Wolford Lodge” (his spelling). He had had work started demolishing the manor house, to make way for a fine new mansion suitable for a well-to-do county family. Some time would pass before the house was ready for its occupants. In the meantime the Simcoes rented a place in Exeter. Sir George Yonge offered them part of
Escot, but Simcoe preferred to make his own arrangements.2
Meanwhile, many letters had flowed to and from Long Island, where the Queen’s Rangers were packing to leave. One, dated 10 July 1783, was from Captain John McGill. Simcoe had requested the Quartermaster to send his horse, Salem, to England. He longed to care for the horse through his final years. McGill wrote that Salem would embark on “the good ship Nancy “ on 15 July. The vessel was bound for Liverpool. McGill had arranged for one Thomas (likely his surname) to travel with the horse to Liverpool, and then ride him the 240 miles to Honiton. Thomas was probably a Ranger who needed a cheap way to reach England. McGill had paid Thomas to 24 October. During the ride to Honiton, estimated to take fifteen days, Thomas would require two shillings a day. McGill added, “I hope to preserve Salem for a milder fate than that mentioned by you.” McGill had drawn £40 from Captain James Kerr, acting paymaster for the Rangers, to cover Salem’s expenses, a tidy sum to save the beloved quadruped.3
John Graves Simcoe, 1752-1806 Page 9