[15.1] “Furthermore, if there are no enclosures, the boundaries of the estate are made more secure by the planting of trees, which prevent the servants from quarrelling with the neighbours, and make it unnecessary to fix the boundaries by lawsuits. Some plant pines around the edges, as my wife has done on her Sabine farms; others plant cypresses, as I did on my place on Vesuvius; and still others plant elms, as many have done near Crustumeria. Where that is possible, as it is there because it is a plain, there is no tree better for planting; it is extremely profitable, as it often supports and gathers many a basket of grapes, yields a most agreeable foliage for sheep and cattle, and furnishes rails for fencing, and wood for hearth and furnace.
“These points, then, which I have discussed,” continued Scrofa, “are the four which are to be observed by the farmer: the topography of the land, the nature of the soil, the size of the plot, and the protection of the boundaries.
XVI.
Relinquitur altera pars, quae est extra fundum, cuius appendices et vehementer pertinent ad culturam propter adfinitatem. Eius species totidem: si vicina regio est infesta; si quo neque fructus nostros exportare expediat neque inde quae opus sunt adportare; tertium, si viae aut fluvii, qua portetur, aut non sunt aut idonei non sunt; quartum, siquid ita est in confinibus fundis, ut nostris agris prosit aut noceat. E quis quattuor quod est primum, refert infesta regio sit necne. Multos enim agros egregios colere non expedit propter latrocinia vicinorum, ut in Sardinia quosdam, qui sunt prope Oeliem, et in Hispania prope Lusitaniam. Quae vicinitatis invectos habent idoneos, quae ibi nascuntur ubi vendant, et illinc invectos opportunos quae in fundo opus sunt, propter ea fructuosa. Multi enim habent, in praediis quibus frumentum aut vinum aliudve quid desit, importandum; contra non pauci, quibus aliquid sit exportandum. Itaque sub urbe colere hortos late expedit, sic violaria ac rosaria, item multa quae urps recipit, cum eadem in longinquo praedio, ubi non sit quo deferri possit venale, non expediat colere. Item si ea oppida aut vici in vicinia aut etiam divitum copiosi agri ac villae, unde non care emere possis quae opus sunt in fundum, quibus quae supersint venire possint, ut quibusdam pedamenta aut perticae aut harundo, fructuosior fit fundus, quam si longe sint importanda, non numquam etiam, quam si colendo in tuo ea parare possis. Itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios habent vicinos, quibus imperent, medicos, fullones, fabros, quam in villa suos habeant, quorum non numquam unius artificis mors tollit fundi fructum. Quam partem lati fundi divites domesticae copiae mandare solent. Si enim a fundo longius absunt oppida aut vici, fabros parant, quos habeant in villa, sic ceteros necessarios artifices, ne de fundo familia ab opere discedat ac profestis diebus ambulet feriata potius, quam opere faciendo agrum fructuosiorem reddat. Itaque ideo Sasernae liber praecipit, nequis de fundo exeat praeter vilicum et promum et unum, quem vilicus legat; siquis contra exierit, ne impune abeat; si abierit, ut in vilicum animadvertatur. Quod potius ita praecipiendum fuit, nequis iniussu vilici exierit, neque vilicus iniussu domini longius, quam ut eodem die rediret, neque id crebrius, quam opus esset fundo. Eundem fundum fructuosiorem faciunt vecturae, si viae sunt, qua plaustra agi facile possint, aut flumina propinqua, qua navigari possit, quibus utrisque rebus evehi atque invehi ad multa praedia scimus. Refert etiam ad fundi fructus, quem ad modum vicinus in confinio consitum agrum habeat. Si enim ad limitem querquetum habet, non possis recte secundum eam silvam serere oleam, quod usque eo est contrarium natura, ut arbores non solum minus ferant, sed etiam fugiant, ut introrsum in fundum se reclinent, ut vitis adsita ad holus facere solet. Ut quercus, sic iugulandes magnae et crebrae finitimae fundi oram faciunt sterilem.
[16.1] “It remains to discuss the second topic, the conditions surrounding the farm, for they too vitally concern agriculture because of their relation to it. These considerations are the same in number: whether the neighbourhood is unsafe; whether it is such that it is not profitable to transport our products to it, or to bring back from it what we need; third, whether roads or streams for transportation are either wanting or inadequate; and fourth, whether conditions on the neighbouring farms are such as to benefit or injure our land. [2] Taking up the first of the four: the safety or lack of safety of the neighbourhood is important; for there are many excellent farms which it is not advisable to cultivate because of the brigandage in the neighbourhood, as in Sardinia certain farms near . . . . , and in Spain on the borders of Lusitania. Farms which have near by suitable means of transporting their products to market and convenient means of transporting thence those things needed on the farm, are for that reason profitable. For many have among their holdings some into which grain or wine or the like which they lack must be brought, and on the other hand not a few have those from which a surplus must be sent away. [3] And so it is profitable near a city to have gardens on a large scale; for instance, of violets and roses and many other products for which there is a demand in the city; while it would not be profitable to raise the same products on a distant farm where there is no market to which its products can be carried. Again, if there are towns or villages in the neighbourhood, or even well-furnished lands and farmsteads of rich owners, from which you can purchase at a reasonable price what you need for the farm, and to which you can sell your surplus, such as props, or poles, or reeds, the farm will be more profitable than if they must be fetched from a distance; sometimes, in fact, more so than if you can supply them yourself by raising them on your own place. [4] For this reason farmers in such circumstances prefer to have in their neighbourhood men whose services they can call upon under a yearly contract — physicians, fullers, and other artisans — rather than to have such men of their own on the farm; for sometimes the death of one artisan wipes out the profit of a farm. This department of a great estate rich owners are wont to entrust to their own people; for if towns or villages are too far away from the estate, they supply themselves with smiths and other necessary artisans to keep on the place, so that their farm hands may not leave their work and lounge around holiday-making on working days, rather than make the farm more profitable by attending to their duties. [5] It is for this reason, therefore, that Saserna’s book lays down the rule that no person shall leave the farm except the overseer, the butler, and one person whom the overseer may designate; if one leaves against this rule he shall not go unpunished, and if he does, the overseer shall be punished. The rule should rather be stated thus: that no one shall leave the farm without the direction of the overseer, nor the overseer without the direction of the master, on an errand which will prevent his return this day, and that no oftener than is necessary for the farm business. [6] A farm is rendered more profitable by convenience of transportation: if there are roads on which carts can easily be driven, or navigable rivers near by. We know that transportation to and from many farms is carried on by both these methods. The manner in which your neighbour keeps the land on the boundary planted is also of importance to your profits. For instance, if he has an oak grove near the boundary, you cannot well plant olives along such a forest; for it is so hostile in its nature that your trees will not only be less productive, but will actually bend so far away as to lean inward toward the ground, as the vine is wont to do when planted near the cabbage. As the oak, so large numbers of large walnut trees close by render the border of the farm sterile.
XVII.
De fundi quattuor partibus, quae cum solo haerent, et alteris quattuor, quae extra fundum sunt et ad culturam pertinent, dixi. Nunc dicam, agri quibus rebus colantur. Quas res alii dividunt in duas partes, in homines et adminicula hominum, sine quibus rebus colere non possunt; alii in tres partes, instrumenti genus vocale et semivocale et mutum, vocale, in quo sunt servi, semivocale, in quo sunt boves, mutum, in quo sunt plaustra. Omnes agri coluntur hominibus servis aut liberis aut utrisque: liberis, aut cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie, aut mercennariis, cum conducticiis liberorum operis res maiores, ut vindemias ac faenisicia, administrant, iique quos obaerarios nostri vocitarunt et etiam nunc sunt in Asia atque Aegypto et in Illyrico complures. De quibus univer
sis hoc dico, gravia loca utilius esse mercennariis colere quam servis, et in salubribus quoque locis opera rustica maiora, ut sunt in condendis fructibus vindemiae aut messis. De iis, cuius modi esse oporteat, Cassius scribit haec: operarios parandos esse, qui laborem ferre possint, ne minores annorum XXII et ad agri culturam dociles. Eam coniecturam fieri posse ex aliarum rerum imperatis, et in eo eorum e noviciis requisitione, ad priorem dominum quid factitarint.
Mancipia esse oportere neque formidulosa neque animosa. Qui praesint esse oportere, qui litteris atque aliqua sint humanitate imbuti, frugi, aetate maiore quam operarios, quos dixi. Facilius enim iis quam qui minore natu sunt dicto audientes. Praeterea potissimum eos praeesse oportere, qui periti sint rerum rusticarum. Non solum enim debere imperare, sed etiam facere, ut facientem imitetur et ut animadvertat eum cum causa sibi praeesse, quod scientia praestet. Neque illis concedendum ita imperare, ut verberibus coerceant potius quam verbis, si modo idem efficere possis. Neque eiusdem nationis plures parandos esse: ex eo enim potissimum solere offensiones domesticas fieri. Praefectos alacriores faciendum praemiis dandaque opera ut habeant peculium et coniunctas conservas, e quibus habeant filios. Eo enim fiunt firmiores ac coniunctiores fundo. Itaque propter has cognationes Epiroticae familiae sunt inlustriores ac cariores. Inliciendam voluntatem praefectorum honore aliquo habendo, et de operariis qui praestabunt alios, communicandum quoque cum his, quae facienda sint opera, quod, ita cum fit, minus se putant despici atque aliquo numero haberi a domino. Studiosiores ad opus fieri liberalius tractando aut cibariis aut vestitu largiore aut remissione operis concessioneve, ut peculiare aliquid in fundo pascere liceat, huiusce modi rerum aliis, ut quibus quid gravius sit imperatum aut animadversum qui, consolando eorum restituat voluntatem ac benevolentiam in dominum.
[17.1] “I have now discussed the four divisions of the estate which are concerned with the soil, and the second four, which are exterior to the soil but concern its cultivation; now I turn to the means by which land is tilled. Some divide these into two parts: men, and those aids to men without which they cannot cultivate; others into three: the class of instruments which is articulate, the inarticulate, and the mute; the articulate comprising the slaves, the inarticulate comprising the cattle, and the mute comprising the vehicles. [2] All agriculture is carried on by men — slaves, or freemen, or both; by freemen, when they till the ground themselves, as many poor people do with the help of their families; or hired hands, when the heavier farm operations, such as the vintage and the haying, are carried on by the hiring of freemen; and those whom our people called obaerarii and of whom there are still many in Asia, in Egypt, and in Illyricum. [3] With regard to these in general this is my opinion: it is more profitable to work unwholesome lands with hired hands than with slaves; and even in wholesome places it is more profitable thus to carry out the heavier farm operations, such as storing the products of the vintage or harvest. As to the character of such hands Cassius gives this advice: that such hands should be selected as can bear heavy work, are not less than twenty-two years old, and show some aptitude for farm labour. You may judge of this by the way they carry out their other orders, and, in the case of new hands, by asking one of them what they were in the habit of doing for their former master.
“Slaves should be neither cowed nor high-spirited. [4] They ought to have men over them who know how to read and write and have some little education, who are dependable and older than the hands whom I have mentioned; for they will be more respectful to these than to men who are younger. Furthermore, it is especially important that the foremen be men who are experienced in farm operations; for the foreman must not only give orders but also take part in the work, so that his subordinates may follow his example, and also understand that there is good reason for his being over them — the fact that he is superior to them in knowledge. [5] They are not to be allowed to control their men with whips rather than with words, if only you can achieve the same result. Avoid having too many slaves of the same nation, for this is a fertile source of domestic quarrels. The foremen are to be made more zealous by rewards, and care must be taken that they have a bit of property of their own, and mates from among their fellow-slaves to bear them children; for by this means they are made more steady and more attached to the place. Thus, it is on account of such relationships that slave families of Epirus have the best reputation and bring the highest prices. [6] The good will of the foremen should be won by treating them with some degree of consideration; and those of the hands who excel the others should also be consulted as to the work to be done. When this is done they are less inclined to think that they are looked down upon, and rather think that they are held in some esteem by the master. [7] They are made to take more interest in their work by being treated more liberally in respect either of food, or of more clothing, or of exemption from work, or of permission to graze some cattle of their own on the farm, or other things of this kind; so that, if some unusually heavy task is imposed, or punishment inflicted on them in some way, their loyalty and kindly feeling to the master may be restored by the consolation derived from such measures.
XVIII.
De familia Cato derigit ad duas metas, ad certum modum agri et genus sationis, scribens de olivetis et vineis ut duas formulas: unam, in qua praecipit, quo modo olivetum agri iugera CCXL instruere oporteat. Dicit enim in eo modo haec mancipia XIII habenda, vilicum, vilicam, operarios V, bubulcos III, asinarium I, subulcum I, opilionem I. Alteram formulam scribit de vinearum iugeribus C, ut dicat haberi oportere haec XV mancipia, vilicum, vilicam, operarios X, bubulcum, asinarium, subulcum. Saserna scribit satis esse ad iugera VIII hominem unum: ea debere eum confodere diebus XLV tametsi quaternis operis singula iugera possit; sed relinquere se operas XIII valetudini, tempestati, inertiae, indiligentiae. Horum neuter satis dilucide modulos reliquit nobis, quod Cato si voluit, debuit sic, ut pro portione ad maiorem fundum et minorem adderemus et demeremus. Praeterea extra familiam debuit dicere vilicum et vilicam. Neque enim, si minus CCXL iugera oliveti colas, non possis minus uno vilico habere, nec, si bis tanto ampliorem fundum aut eo plus colas, ideo duo vilici aut tres habendi. Fere operarii modo et bubulci pro portione addendi ad maioris modos fundorum, ii quoque, si similis est ager. Sin est ita dissimilis, ut arari non possit, quod sit confragosus atque arduis clivis, minus multi opus sunt boves et bubulci. Mitto illut, quod modum neque unum nec modicum proposuit CCXL iugerum (modicus enim centuria, et ea CC iugerum), e quo quom sexta pars sit ea XL, quae de CCXL demuntur, non video quem ad modum ex eius praecepto demam sextam partem et de XIII mancipiis, nihilo magis, si vilicum et vilicam removero, quem ad modum ex XI sextam partem demam. Quod autem ait in C iugeribus vinearum opus esse XV mancipia, siquis habebit centuriam, quae dimidium vineti, dimidium oliveti, sequetur ut duo vilicos et duas vilicas habeat, quod est deridiculum. Quare alia ratione modus mancipiorum generatim est animadvertendus et magis in hoc Saserna probandus, qui ait singula iugera quaternis operis uno operario ad conficiendum satis esse. Sed si hoc in Sasernae fundo in Gallia satis fuit, non continuo idem in agro Ligusco montano. Itaque de familiae magnitudine et reliquo instrumento commodissime scies quantam pares, si tria animadverteris diligenter: in vicinitate praedia cuius modi sint et quanta, et quot quaeque hominibus colantur, et quot additis operis aut demptis melius aut deterius habeas cultum. Bivium nobis enim ad culturam dedit natura, experientiam et imitationem. Antiquissimi agricolae temptando pleraque constituerunt, liberi eorum magnam partem imitando. Nos utrumque facere debemus, et imitari alios et aliter ut faciamus experientia temptare quaedam, sequentes non aleam, sed rationem aliquam: ut si altius repastinaverimus aut minus quam alii, quod momentum ea res habeat, ut fecerunt ii in sariendo iterum et tertio, et qui insitiones ficulnas ex verno tempore in aestivum contulerunt.
[18.1] “With regard to the number of slaves required, Cato has in view two bases of calculation: the size of the place, and the nature of the crop grown. Writing of oliveyards and vineyards, he gives two formulas. The first is one in which he shows how an oliveyard of 240 iugera should
be equipped; on a place of this size he says that the following thirteen slaves should be kept: an overseer, a housekeeper, five labourers, three teamsters, one muleteer, one swineherd, one shepherd. The second he gives for a vineyard of 100 iugera, on which he says should be kept the following fifteen slaves: an overseer, a housekeeper, ten labourers, a teamster, a muleteer, a swineherd. [2] Saserna states that one man is enough for eight iugera, and that he ought to dig over that amount in forty-five days, although he can dig over a single iugerum with four days’ work; but he says that he allows thirteen days extra for such things as illness, bad weather, idleness, and laxness. [3] Neither of these writers has left us a very clearly expressed rule. For if Cato wished to do this, he should have stated it in such a way that we add or subtract from the number proportionately as the farm is larger or smaller. Further, he should have named the overseer and the housekeeper outside of the number of slaves; for if you cultivate less than 240 iugera of olives you cannot get along with less than one overseer, nor if you cultivate twice as large a place or more will you have to keep two or three overseers. [4] It is only the labourers and teamsters that are to be added proportionately to larger bodies of land; and even then only if the land is uniform. But if it is so varied that it cannot all be ploughed, as, for instance, if it is very broken or very steep, fewer oxen and teamsters will be needed. I pass over the fact that the 240 iugera instanced is a plot which is neither a unit nor standard (the standard unit is the century, containing 200 iugera); [5] when one-sixth, or 40 iugera, is deducted from this 240, I do not see how, according to his rule, I shall take one-sixth also from thirteen slaves, or, if I leave out the overseer and the housekeeper, how I shall take one-sixth from the eleven. As to his saying that on 100 iugera of vineyard you should have fifteen slaves; if one has a century, half vineyard and half oliveyard, it will follow that he should have two overseers and two housekeepers, which is absurd. [6] Wherefore the proper number and variety of slaves must be determined by another method, and Saserna is more to be approved in this matter; he says that each iugerum is enough to furnish four days’ work for one hand. But if this applied to Saserna’s farm in Gaul, it does not necessarily follow that the same would hold good for a farm in the mountains of Liguria. Therefore you will most accurately determine the number of slaves and other equipment which you should provide [7] if you observe three things carefully: the character of the farms in the neighbourhood and their size; the number of hands employed on each; and how many hands should be added or subtracted in order to keep your cultivation better or worse. For nature has given us two routes to agriculture, experiment and imitation. The most ancient farmers determined many of the practices by experiment, their descendants for the most part by imitation. [8] We ought to do both — imitate others and attempt by experiment to do some things in a different way, following not chance but some system: as, for instance, if we plough a second time, more or less deeply than others, to see what effect this will have. This was the method they followed in weeding a second and third time, and those who put off the grafting of figs from spring-time to summer.
Delphi Complete Works of Varro Page 94