A disputed future
According to Georg Hegel, political ideas are an abstraction from the political life of a society, state, culture, or political movement. To make sense of those ideas, and the institutions or movements they explain, involves examining their history and development. That history is always a story of how we got to where we are now. What we cannot do is look forward to see where history is going.
In Roman mythology, the Owl of Minerva was a symbol of wisdom. For Hegel, the Owl only “takes flight at twilight”. By this, he means that understanding can only come retrospectively. Hegel is warning against optimism about developing ideas for where to go next. He is also issuing a subtle warning against his other famous claim that the rise of the modern state is the end of history. It is very easy to see ourselves as the most progressive, enlightened, and rational age ever – after all we believe in democracy, human rights, open economies, and constitutional government. But as we shall see in this book, these are by no means simple ideas, and they are not shared by all societies and peoples even today.
The last 80 years of world history have seen the rise of new nation-states as a result of imperial retreat and decolonization. Federations such as Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia have fragmented into new states, as has the former USSR. The desire for national sovereignty is also strong in places such as Quebec, Catalonia, Kurdistan, and Kashmir. Yet, while peoples have struggled for statehood, states have sought complex federations and political union. The last three decades have seen the rise of the European Union, which aspires to closer political integration, as well as the North American Free Trade area and many other organizations for regional cooperation.
Old ideas of state sovereignty have an awkward role in the new political world of pooled sovereignty, economic cooperation, and globalization. Hegel’s point seems very pertinent here – we cannot predict how we will appear to those in the future, nor whether what seems common sense to us will be seen as persuasive by our descendants.
"Politics is too serious a matter to be left to the politicians."
Charles de Gaulle
Making sense of the present requires an understanding of the variety of political ideas and theories conceived throughout history. These ideas serve as an explanation of the possibilities of the present, as well as a warning against overconfidence in our own political values, and they remind us that the demands of organizing and governing the collective life of society change in ways that we cannot fully predict. As new possibilities for the exercise of power arise, so will new demands for its control and accountability, and with these will come new political ideas and theories. Politics concerns all of us, so we should all be involved in that debate.
INTRODUCTION
Political theory can trace its beginnings to the civilizations of ancient China and Greece. In both places, thinkers emerged who questioned and analysed the world around them in a way we now call philosophy. From around 600 BCE, some of them turned their attention to the way we organize societies. At first, both in China and Greece, these questions were considered part of moral philosophy or ethics. Philosophers examined how society should be structured to ensure not only the happiness and security of the people, but to enable people to live a “good life”.
Political thought in China
From around 770 BCE, China experienced a time of prosperity known as the Spring and Autumn period, as various dynasties ruled over the separate states relatively peaceably. Scholarship was highly valued in this period, resulting in the so-called Hundred Schools of Thought. By far the most influential of the philosophers to emerge was Confucius, who combined moral and political philosophy in his proposals for upholding traditional Chinese moral values in a state led by a virtuous ruler, and advised by a class of administrators.
This idea was further refined by Mozi and Mencius to prevent corruption and despotic rule, but as conflict between the states increased in the 3rd century BCE, the Spring and Autumn period came to a close, replaced by the Warring States period and the struggle for control of a unified Chinese empire. It was in this atmosphere that thinkers such as Han Fei Tzu and the Legalist school advocated discipline as the guiding principle of the state, and the military leader Sun Tzu applied the tactics of warfare to ideas of foreign policy and domestic government. These more authoritarian political philosophies brought stability to the new empire, which later reverted to a form of Confucianism.
Greek democracy
At much the same time as these developments in China, Greek civilization was flourishing. Like China, Greece was not a single nation, but a collection of separate city-states under various systems of government. Most were ruled by a monarch or an aristocracy, but Athens had established a form of democracy under a constitution introduced by the statesman Solon in 594 BCE. The city became the cultural centre of Greece, and provided an intellectual space in which philosophers could speculate on what constituted the ideal state, what its purpose was, and how it should be governed. Here, Plato advocated rule by an elite of “philosopher kings”, while his pupil Aristotle compared the various possible forms of government. Their theories would form the basis for Western political philosophy.
After Aristotle, the “golden age” of classical Greek philosophy drew to a close, as Alexander the Great embarked on a series of campaigns to extend his empire from Macedon into northern Africa and across Asia as far as the Himalayas. But in India, he met with resistance from an organized opposition. The Indian subcontinent was composed of various separate states, but the emergence of an innovative political theorist, Chanakya, helped to transform it into a unified empire under the rule of his protégé, Chandragupta Maurya. Chanakya believed in a pragmatic approach to political thinking advocating strict discipline, with the aim of securing economic and material security for the state rather than the moral welfare of the people. His realism helped to protect the Mauryan empire from attack, and brought most of India into a unified state that lasted for more than 100 years.
The rise of Rome
Meanwhile, another power was rising in Europe. The Roman Republic had been founded in about 510 BCE with the overthrow of a tyrannical monarchy. A form of representative democracy similar to the Athenian model was established. A constitution evolved, with government led by two consuls elected by the citizens annually, and a senate of representatives to advise them. Under this system, the Republic grew in strength, occupying provinces in most of mainland Europe. However, in the 1st century BCE, civil conflict spread in the Republic as various factions vied for power. Julius Caesar seized control in 48 BCE and effectively became emperor, bringing the Republic to an end. Rome had once again come under a monarchical, dynastic rule, and the new Roman empire was to dominate most of Europe for the next 500 years.
IN CONTEXT
IDEOLOGY
Confucianism
FOCUS
Paternalist
BEFORE
1045 BCE Under the Zhou dynasty of China, political decisions are justified by the Mandate of Heaven.
8th century BCE The Spring and Autumn period begins, and the “Hundred Schools of Thought” emerge.
AFTER
5th century BCE Mozi proposes an alternative to the potential nepotism and cronyism of Confucianism.
4th century BCE The philosopher Mencius popularizes Confucian ideas.
3rd century BCE The more authoritarian principles of Legalism come to dominate the system of government.
Kong Fuzi (“Master Kong”), who later became known in the West by the Latinized name of Confucius, lived during a turning point in China’s political history. He lived at the end of China’s Spring and Autumn period – around 300 years of prosperity and stability during which there was a flowering of art, literature, and in particular, philosophy. This gave rise to the so-called Hundred Schools of Thought, in which a wide range of ideas was freely discussed. In the process, a new class of thinkers and scholars emerged, most of them based in the courts of noble families where they were valued adviso
rs.
The influence of these scholars’ new ideas inspired a shake-up of the structure of Chinese society. The scholars were appointed on merit rather than due to family connections, and this new meritocratic class of scholars was a challenge to the hereditary rulers, who had previously governed with what they believed was a mandate from Heaven. This caused a series of conflicts as various rulers vied for control over China. During this era, which became known as the Warring States period, it became increasingly clear that a strong system of government was necessary.
The superior man
Like most educated, middle-class young men, Confucius pursued a career as an administrator, and it was in this role that he developed his ideas about the organization of government. Seeing first-hand the relationships between the ruler and his ministers and subjects, and keenly aware of the fragility of the political situation of the time, he set about formulating a framework that would enable rulers to govern justly, based on his own system of moral philosophy.
Confucius’s moral standpoint was firmly rooted in Chinese convention, and had at its heart the traditional virtues of loyalty, duty, and respect. These values were personified in the junzi: the “gentleman” or “superior man”, whose virtue would act as an example to others. Every member of society would be encouraged to aspire to the junzi’s virtues. In Confucius’s view, human nature is not perfect, but it is capable of being changed by the example of sincere virtue. Similarly, society can be transformed by the example of fair and benevolent government.
The notion of reciprocity – the idea that just and generous treatment will be met with a just and generous response – underpins Confucius’s moral philosophy, and it is also a cornerstone of his political thinking. For a society to be good, its ruler must be the embodiment of the virtues he wishes to see in his subjects; in turn, the people will be inspired through loyalty and respect to emulate those virtues. In the collection of his teachings and sayings known as the Analects, Confucius advises: “If your desire is for good, the people will be good. The moral character of the ruler is the wind; the moral character of those beneath him is the grass. When the wind blows, the grass bends.” In order for this idea to work effectively, however, a new structure for society had to be established, creating a hierarchy that took account of the new meritocratic administrative class while respecting the traditional rule of the noble families. In his proposal for how this might be achieved, Confucius again relied very much on traditional values, modelling society on relationships within the family. For Confucius, the benevolence of the sovereign and the loyalty of his subject mirror the loving father and obedient son relationship (a relationship considered by the Chinese to be of the utmost importance).
Confucius considers that there are five “constant relationships”: sovereign/subject, father/son, husband/wife, elder brother/younger brother, and friend/friend. In these relationships, he emphasizes not only the rank of each person according to generation, age, and gender, but the fact that there are duties on both sides, and that the responsibility of the superior to the inferior in any relationship is just as important as that of the junior to the senior. Extending these relationships to the wider society, their reciprocal rights and responsibilities give society its cohesion, creating an atmosphere of loyalty and respect from each social stratum towards the next.
Confucius believed that a wise and just sovereign had a benign effect on the character of his subjects.
Justifying hereditary rule
At the top of Confucius’s hierarchy was the sovereign, who would unquestionably have inherited this status, and in this respect Confucius shows the conservative nature of his political thinking. Just as the family provided a model for the relationships within society, the traditional respect shown to parents (especially fathers) extended also to ancestors, and this justified the hereditary principle. Just as a father was considered the head of the family, the state should naturally be ruled over by a paterfamilias figure – the sovereign.
Nevertheless, the sovereign’s position was not unassailable in Confucius’s thinking, and an unjust or unwise ruler deserved to be opposed or even removed. However, it was in the next layer of society that Confucius was at his most innovative, advocating a class of scholars to act as ministers, advisors, and administrators to the ruler. Their position between the sovereign and his subjects was crucial, as they had a duty of loyalty both to their ruler and the people. They carried a high degree of responsibility, so it was essential that they be recruited from the most able and educated candidates, and that anybody serving in public office should be of the highest moral character – a junzi. These ministers were to be appointed by the sovereign in Confucius’s system, so much depended upon the sovereign’s own good character. Confucius said: “The administration of government lies in getting proper men. Such men are to be got by means of the ruler’s own character. That character is to be cultivated by his treading in the ways of duty. And the treading of those ways of duty is to be cultivated by the cherishing of benevolence.”
"Good government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son."
Confucius
The role of these public servants was mainly advisory, and ministers were not only expected to be well-versed in the administration and structure of Chinese society, but also to have a thorough knowledge of history, politics, and diplomacy. This was necessary to advise the ruler on matters such as alliances and wars with neighbouring states. However, this new class of civil servants also served an equally important function in preventing the ruler from becoming despotic, because they showed loyalty to their superior, but also benevolence to their inferiors. Like their ruler, they too had to lead by example, inspiring both the sovereign and his subjects by their virtue.
The importance of ritual
Many parts of Confucius’s writings read like a handbook of etiquette and protocol, detailing the proper conduct for the junzi in various situations, but he also stressed that this should not merely be empty show. The rituals he outlined were not mere social niceties, but served a much deeper purpose, and it was important that the participants behaved with sincerity for the rituals to have any meaning. Public servants not only had to fulfil their duties virtuously, they also had to be seen to be acting virtuously. For this reason, Confucius laid great emphasis on ceremonies and rituals. These also worked to underline the positions of the various members within a society, and Confucius’s approval of this illustrates his tendency to conservatism.
The ceremonies and rituals allowed people to manifest their devotion to those above them in the hierarchy and their consideration towards those below them. According to Confucius, these rituals were to permeate the whole of society, from formal royal and state ceremonies right down to everyday social interactions, with participants meticulously observing their respective roles. Only when virtue was sincerely and honestly manifested in this way could the idea of leading by example succeed. For this reason, Confucius held sincerity and honesty to be the most important of virtues, next only to loyalty. Many of these rituals and ceremonies had their basis in religious rites, but this aspect was not important to Confucius. His moral philosophy was not founded on religion, and the political system he derived from it simply acknowledged that there was a place for religion in society. In fact, he seldom referred to the gods in his writings, except in terms of a hope that society could be organized and governed in accordance with the Mandate of Heaven, which would help to unify the states vying for power. Although he firmly believed in rule by a hereditary sovereign, he did not feel the need to justify it as a divine right.
"The superior man governs men according to their nature, with what is proper to them, and as soon as they change what is wrong, he stops."
Confucius
This implicit dismissal of the divine right, combined with a class system based on merit rather than inheritance, showed Confucius at his most radical. While he advocated a hierarchy
reinforced by strict rules of etiquette and protocol, so that everybody was very aware of their place in society, this did not mean there should be no social mobility. Those with ability (and good character) could rise through the ranks to the highest levels of government, whatever their family background; and those in positions of power could be removed from office if they failed to show the necessary qualities, no matter how noble the family they were born into. This principle extended even to the sovereign himself. Confucius saw the assassination of a despotic ruler as the necessary removal of a tyrant rather than the murder of a legitimate ruler. He argued that the flexibility of this hierarchy engendered more real respect for it, and that this in turn engendered political consent – a necessary basis for strong and stable government.
Actors performing a Confucian ritual in Shandong Province, China, convey the importance of restraint and respect to modern visitors unversed in their highly formalized tradition.
Crime and punishment
The principles of Confucius’s moral philosophy also extended into the fields of law and punishment. Previously, the legal system had been based on the codes of conduct prescribed by religion, but he advocated a more humanistic approach to replace the divinely ordained laws. As with his social structure, he proposed a system based on reciprocity: if you are treated with respect, you will act with respect. His version of the Golden Rule (“do as you would be done by”) was in the negative: “what you do not desire for yourself, do not do to others”, moving the emphasis from specific crimes to avoidance of bad behaviour. Once again, this could best be achieved by example as, in his words, “When you meet someone better than yourself, turn your thoughts to becoming his equal. When you meet someone not as good as you are, look within and examine your own self.”
The Politics Book Page 2