Lo Schiavo, F. 2005. “Early Documents on Nuragic Metallurgy.” In Archaeometallurgy in Sardinia: From the Origin to the Beginning of Early Iron Age, edited by F. Lo Schiavo, A. R. Giumlia-Mair, and R. Valera, 281–96. Montagnac: Mergoil.
López Pardo, F., and A. Mederos. 2008. La factoría fenicia de la isla de Mogador y los pueblos del Atlas. Volume 3. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Museo Arqueológico de Tenerife.
López-Ruiz, C. 2015. “Near Eastern Precedents of the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets: The Phoenician Missing Link.” Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 15, no. 1: 52–91.
Maluquer de Motes, J. 1966. “Nuevos datos para el estudio del comercio prerromano en el Mediterráneo.” Pyrenae 2: 185–90.
Markoe, G. E. 1985. Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls from Cyprus and the Mediterranean. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Markoe, G. E. 2000. Phoenicians: Peoples of the Past. London: British Museum.
Mazar, Eilat. 2001. The Phoenicians in Achziv. The Northern Cemetery: Final Report of the Excavations 1988–1990. Barcelona: Laboratorio de Arqueología de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra.
Mazar, Eilat, ed. 2004. The Phoenician Family Tomb N.1 at the Northern Cemetery of Achziv (10th–6th Centuries BCE). Barcelona: Laboratorio de Arqueología de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra.
Mazar, Eilat. 2009. The Palace of King David: Excavations at the Summit of the City of David—Preliminary Report of Seasons 2005–2007. Jerusalem and New York: Shoham Academic Research and Publication.
McGovern, P. E., and R. H. Michel. 1985. “Royal Purple Dye: Tracing the Chemical Origins of the Industry.” Analytical Chemistry 57, no. 14: 1514A–22A.
Montero-Ruiz, I., N. Rafel, M. Carme Rovira, X.-L. Armada, M. A. Hunt Ortiz, M. Murillo-Barroso, M. Renzi, and M. Santos. 2012. “El cobre de Linares (Jaén) como elemento vinculado al comercio fenicio en el Calvari de El Molar (Tarragona).” Menga: Revista de Prehistoria de Andalucía 3: 167–84.
Moorey, P. R. S. 1994. Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries: The Archaeological Evidence. Oxford: Clarendon.
Murillo-Barroso, M., I. Montero-Ruiz, N. Rafel, M. A. Hunt Ortiz, and X.-L. Armada. 2016. “The Macro-Regional Scale of Silver Production in Iberia during the First Millennium BC in the Context of Mediterranean Contexts.” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 35, no. 1: 75–100.
Namdar, D., A. Gilboa, R. Neumann, I. Finkelstein, and S. Weiner. 2013. “Cinnamaldehyde in Early Iron Age Phoenician Flasks Raises Possibility of Levantine Trade with South East Asia.” Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 12, no. 3: 1–19.
Negueruela Martínez, I. 2014. “The Phoenician Ships of Mazarrón.” In Assyria to Iberia at the Dawn of the Classical Age, edited by J. Aruz, S. B. Graff, and Y. Rakic, 243–45. New York and New Haven, CT: Metropolitan Museum of Art and Yale University Press.
Neville, A. 2007. Mountains of Silver and Rivers of Gold: The Phoenicians in Iberia. University of British Columbia Studies in the Ancient World 1. Oxford: Oxbow.
Niemeyer, H. G. 2001. “Archaeological Evidence of Early Iron Technology at Carthage and Other Phoenician Settlements.” In The Origins of Iron Metallurgy: Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on the Archaeology of Africa and the Mediterranean Basin, edited by J. P. Descœudres, E. Huysecom, V. Serneels, and J.-L. Zimmermann, 83–93. Sydney: Meditarch.
Niemeyer, H. G. 2002. “The Phoenician Settlement at Toscanos: Urbanization and Function.” In The Phoenicians in Spain: An Archaeological Review of the Eighth–Sixth Centuries B.C.E., edited by M. R. Bierling, 31–48. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Ontalba Salamanca, M. A., B. Gómez-Tubío, I. Ortega-Feliu, M. A. Respaldiza, M. L. de la Bandera, G. Ovejero Zappino, A. Bouzas, and A. Gómez Morón. 2006. “External-Beam PIXE Spectrometry for the Study of Punic Jewellery (SW Spain): The Geopgraphical Provenance of the Palladium-Bearing Gold.” Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 249: 622–27.
Ortega-Feliu, I., B. Gómez-Tubío, M. A. Ontalba Salamanca, M. A. Respaldiza, M. L. de la Bandera, and G. Ovejero Zappino. 2007. “Gold and Electrum Jewellery in the Strategic Area of Gadir in Phoenician Period.” Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research 260: 329–35.
Pérez Macías, J. A. 1996. Metalurgia extractiva prerromana en Huelva. Huelva: Universidad de Huelva.
Pinarelli, L. 2004. “Lead Isotope Characterization of Copper Ingots from Sardinia (Italy): Inferences on Their Origins.” Δελτίον Της Ελληνικής Γεωλογικής Εταιρίας 36, no. 3: 1173–80.
Polzer, M. E. 2014. “The Bajo de la Campana Shipwreck and Colonial Trade in Phoenician Spain.” In Assyria to Iberia at the Dawn of the Classical Age, edited by J. Aruz, S. B. Graff, and Y. Rakic, 230–42. New York and New Haven, CT: Metropolitan Museum of Art and Yale University Press.
Pulak, Cemal. 1998. “The Uluburun Shipwreck: An Overview.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 27, no. 3: 188–224.
Rademakers, F. W., Th. Rehren, and E. B. Pusch. 2018. “Bronze Production in Pi-Ramesse: Alloying Technology and Material Use.” In Mining for Copper: Essays in Honor of Professor Beno Rothenberg, edited by E. Ben-Yosef and Y. Goren, 503–25. Tel Aviv: Institute of Archaeology.
Rafel, N., I. Montero-Ruiz, P. Castanyer, X. Aquilué, X.-L. Armada, M. C. Belarte, S. Fairén, P. Gasull, M. Gener, R. Graells, M. Hunt, A. Martin, J. M. Mata, N. Morell, A. Pérez, E. Pons, M. Renzi, M. C. Rovira, S. Rovira, M. Santos, J. Tremoleda, P. Villalba. 2010. “New Approaches on the Archaic Trade in the North-Eastern Iberian Peninsula: Exploitation and Circulation of Lead and Silver.” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 29, no. 2: 175–202.
Rademakers, F. W., T. Rehren, and E. B. Pusch. 2018. “Bronze Production in Pi-Ramesse: Alloying Technology and Material Use.” In Mining for Ancient Copper: Essays in Memory of Professor Beno Rothenberg, edited by E. Ben-Yosef. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology.
Renzi, M., and S. Rovira Llorens. 2015. “Las metalurgias fenicias en el Mediterráneo.” In PHICARIA III. Encuentros internacionales del Mediterráneo: Minería y metalurgia en el Mediterráneo y su periferia oceánica, edited by S. Rovira Llorens and M. Renzi, 113–28. Mazarrón: Universidad Popular de Mazarrón.
Roames, J. 2011. “The Early Iron Age Metal Workshop at Tell Tayinat, Turkey.” In Materials Issues in Art and Archaeology IX, Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings 1319, edited by P. B. Vandiver, W. Li, J. L. Ruvalcaba, Ch. L. Reedy, and L. D. Frame, 149–155. Warrendale, PA, and Cambridge: Materials Research Society and Cambridge University Press.
Roselló, E., and A. Morales, eds. 1994. Castillo de Doña Blanca. Archaeo-Environmental Investigations in the Bay of Cádiz, Spain (750–500 BC). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Rowland, R. J. 2001. The Periphery in the Center: Sardinia in the Ancient and Early Medieval Worlds. Oxford: Archaeopress.
Ruiz Mata, D. 1999. “The Phoenicians of the Archaic Epoch 8th-7th Centuries B. C. in the Bay of Cádiz, Spain: Cádiz and Castillo de Doña Blanca.” Isimu: Revista sobre Oriente Próximo y Egipto en la Antigüedad 2: 469–508.
Sáez Romero, A. M. 2014. “Fish Processing and Salted-Fish Trade in the Punic West: New Archaeological Data and Historical Evolution.” In Fish & Ships: Production et commerce ses salsamenta durant l’Antiquité (Actes de L’atelier Doctoral, Rome 18–22 Juin 2012), edited by E. Botte and V. Leitch, 159–74. Aix-en-Provence: Publications du Centre Camille Jullian.
Sanmartí, J., N. Kallala, M. C. Belarte, J. R. Torres, B. Maraoui Telmini, R. Jornet, S. Miniaoui, Th. Fadrique, D. López Reyes, N. Morell, M. Portillo, S. Valenzuela, J. Campillo, D. Montanero, F. Cantero, and M. Jenène. 2012. “Filling Gaps in the Protohistory of the Eastern Maghreb: The Althiburos Archaeological Project (El Kef, Tunisia).” Journal of African Archaeology 10, no. 1: 21–44.
Smith, N., and Th. E. Levy. 2008. “The Iron Age Pottery from Khirbat en-Nahas, Jordan: A Preliminary Study.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 352: 41–91.
Snodgrass, A. M. 1980. “Iron and Early Meta
llurgy in the Mediterranean.” In The Coming of the Age of Iron, edited by T. A. Wertime and J. D. Muhly, 335–74. New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press.
Stager, L. E. 2005. “Phoenician Shipwrecks and the Ship Tyre (Ezekiel 27).” In Terra Marique: Studies in Art History and Marine Archaeology in Honor of Anna Marguerite McCann on the Receipt of the Gold Medal of the Archaeological Institute of America, edited by J. Pollini, 238–54. Oxford: Oxbow.
Stos-Gale, Z. A. 2006. “Appendix A: Provenance of Metals from Tell Jatt based on their Lead Isotope Analysis.” In The Jatt Metal Hoard in Northern Canaanite/Phoenician and Cypriote Context, edited by M. Artzy, 115–20. Barcelona: Laboratorio de Arqueología de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra.
Thompson, Ch. 2003. “Sealed Silver in Iron Age Cisjordan and the ‘Invention’ of Coinage.” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22, no. 1: 67–108.
Thornton, C. P. 2014. “The Emergence of Complex Metallurgy on the Iranian Plateau.” In Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective: Methods and Syntheses, edited by B. W. Roberts and C. P. Thornton, 665–96. New York: Springer.
Torres Ortiz, M. 2002. Tartessos. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Trakadas, A. 2005. “The Archaeological Evidence for Fish Processing in the Western Mediterranean.” In Ancient Fishing and Fish Processing in the Black Sea Region, edited by T. Bekker-Nielsen, 47–82. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
Treumann, B. W. 2009. “Lumbermen and Shipwrights: Phoenicians on the Mediterranean Coast of Southern Spain.” In Colonial Encounters in Ancient Iberia: Phoenician, Greek and Indigenous Relations, edited by M. Dietler and C. López-Ruiz, 169–92. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Tylecote, R. F. 1981. “From Pot Bellows to Tuyeres.” Levant 13, no. 1: 107–18.
Tylecote, R. F. 1982. “Metallurgy in Punic and Roman Carthage.” In Mines et Fonderies Antiques de la Gaule, 259–78. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Valenzuela Oliver, A. 2015. “An Ancient Fishery of Banded Dye-Murex (Hexaplex Trunculus): Zooarchaeological Evidence from the Roman City of Pollentia (Mallorca, Western Mediterranean).” Journal of Archaeological Science 54 (February): 1–7.
Valério, P., R. J. C. Silva, A. M. M. Soares, M. F. Araújo, F. M. Braz Fernandes, A. C. Silva, and L. Berrocal-Rangel. 2010. “Technological Continuity in Early Iron Age Bronze Metallurgy at the South-Western Iberian Peninsula – A Sight from Castro dos Ratinhos.” Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 1811–19.
Valério, P., R. J. C. Silva, A. M. M. Soares, M. F. Araújo, A. P. Gonçalves, and R. M. Soares. 2015. “Combining X-ray Based Methods to Study the Protohistoric Bronze Technology in Western Iberia.” Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 358: 117–23.
Valério, P., A. M. M. Soares, R. J. C. Silva, M. F. Araújo, P. Rebelo, N. Neto, R. Santos, and T. Fontes. 2013. “Bronze Production in Southwestern Iberian Peninsula: The Late Bronze Age Metallurgical Workshop from Entre Águas 5 (Portugal).” Journal of Archaeological Science 40: 439–51.
Valério, P., A. M. M. Soares, M. Monteiro, A. Pereira, M. F. Araújo, and R. J. C. Silva. 2015. “A Compositional and Microstructural Study of Eighth-Century BC Bronzes from Moita Da Ladra (Tagus Estuary): How Did the Spread of the Phoenician Metallurgy Take Place in Western Iberia?” Archaeometry 58, no. 4: 593–609.
Van Dommelen, P. 1998. On Colonial Grounds: A Comparative Study of Colonisalism and Rural Settlement in 1st Milennium BC in West Central Sardinia. Leiden: University of Leiden.
Veropoulidou, R. 2012. “The Tyrian Purple, a ‘Royal’ Dye.” In Greeks and Phoenicians at the Mediterranean Crossroads, edited by P. Adam Veleni and E. Stefani, 103–105.Thessaloniki: Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki.
Vonhoff, Ch. 2015. “Phoenician Bronzes in Cyprus.” In Phoenician Bronzes in Mediterranean, edited by J. Jiménez Ávila, 269–94. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Waldbaum, J. C. 1980. “The First Archaeological Appearance of Iron and the Transition to the Iron Age.” In The Coming of the Age of Iron, edited by T. A. Wertime and J. D. Muhly, 69–98. New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press.
Waldbaum, J. C. 1989. “Copper, Iron, Tin, Wood: the Start of the Iron Age in the Eastern Mediterranean.” Archeomaterials 3, no. 2: 111–22.
Warmington, B. H. 1969. Carthage: A History. New York: Barnes & Noble.
Winter, I. J. 1976. “Phoenician and North Syrian Ivory Carving in Historical Context: Questions of Style and Distribution.” Iraq 38: 1–22.
Witte, M., and J. F. Diehl, eds. 2008. Israeliten und Phönizier: Ihre Beziehungen im Spiegel der Archäologie und der Liter: tur des Alten Testaments und Seiner Umwelt. Fribourg and Göttingen: Academic Press and Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
Wolff, S. R. 1986. “Maritime Trade at Punic Carthage.” Ph.D. dissertation, Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago.
Yahalom-Mack, N., and A. Eliyahu-Behar. 2015. “The Transition from Bronze to Iron in Canaan: Chronology, Technology, and Context.” Radiocarbon 57, no. 2: 285–305.
Yahalom-Mack, N., E. Galili, I. Segal, A. Eliyahu-Behar, E. Boaretto, S. Shilstein, and I. Finkelstein. 2014. “New Insights into Levantine Copper Trade: Analysis of Ingots from the Bronze and Iron Ages in Israel.” Journal of Archaeological Science 45: 159–77.
* We would like to thank the Institut National du Patrimoine Tunisie, Roald Docter, the Israel Antiquities Authority, Eilat Mazar, and Antonio Sáez Romero for their assistance in research carried out in preparation for this chapter.
Chapter 27
Seafaring and Shipwreck Archaeology
Jeffrey P. Emanuel
No other civilization in history is perhaps as strongly associated with the sea as the Phoenicians, whose ships and seafaring ability allowed them to travel, trade, and establish colonies across the Mediterranean Sea. However, though they were known as the “rulers of the sea” (Ezekiel 26:16) and were “famed for their ships” (Hom. Od. 15.415), and despite evidence for colonies and entrepôts from the Levantine coast to Africa and to the farthest western reaches of Europe, relatively little information is actually known about the lives and activities of their seagoing population, or about the development, construction, and use of their ships. They left behind almost no descriptions of their ships or seafaring activities, relegating us to rely on third-party accounts—Egyptian, Greek, Assyrian, and Hebrew—and a limited iconographic corpus, including Assyrian and Egyptian relief, along with representations on smaller media such as Phoenician coins and cylinder seals from Persepolis (Basch 1969; Casson 1971; on the loss of Phoenician literature, see also López-Ruiz, Chapter 18, this volume). Because of the limited scope of documentary and iconographic evidence, close study of ancient shipwrecks has greatly improved our knowledge and understanding of Phoenician and Punic seafaring. Well?preserved deep-water wrecks, like those off Ashkelon, can provide the opportunity for contextual and spatial study (Drap et al. 2015), while shallow-water wrecks can provide evidence for specific activities, such as local exchange and naval warfare (see below).
Canaanite Seafaring and Maritime Innovation
Though use of the term “Phoenician” is generally restricted to the first millennium BCE, the seafaring roots of these people extend at least into the Bronze Age. The best?known vessel from this period sank off the coast of Uluburun in the last years of the fourteenth century BCE with a cargo that included glass ingots, elephant and hippopotamus ivory, ostrich eggs, Syro-Canaanite jewelry, faience, and other valuable items, as well as Assyrian and Kassite seals and a gold scarab of the Egyptian Queen Nefertiti (Bass 1997). The staple of the vessel’s fifteen-ton cargo was ten tons of copper ingots and another of tin. The second-largest cargo item by volume was terebinth resin, one and a half tons of which was aboard the Uluburun ship in at least 149 Canaanite jars. This resin was used as incense in Egypt, and it may have been added as a preservative to jars whose primary contents were wine (Pulak 1998). Also on board were large pithoi full of Cypriot ceramics, likely intended for a less elite
market segment.
Aside from illustrating the high-value exchange so vividly described in the fourteenth century bce letters from the Amarna archive in Egypt, the Uluburun shipwreck also provides important evidence for an important development in ship construction, as it serves as the earliest physical example of pegged mortise and tenon joints used to fasten together hull planking. This technique, which replaced sewn-plank joinery, consisted of linking planks (mortises) by their edges via a tenon, which was inserted into the two connecting planks and secured with a wooden peg or nail—an edge-to-edge fastening method commonly used in the ancient Mediterranean. While mortise-and-tenon joinery would become common in the first millennium bce (and would be known into the Roman period as coagmenta punicana, “Phoenician joints”; Sleeswyk 1980), the Uluburun shipwreck demonstrates its developed use on a vessel likely of Syro-Canaanite origin at a much earlier date (Pulak 1997).
Mortise-and-tenon joinery was also a feature of a ship that foundered a century later, ca. 1200 bce, off of Cape Gelidonya in southern Anatolia. Discovered in 1954 by a local sponge diver and excavated in 1960, this small vessel’s cargo included copper ingots and tin bars, as well as a quantity of scrap metal likely intended for recasting. The stone pan-balance weights on board were based on Near Eastern standards, and personal items found among the wreckage suggested a Syro-Canaanite origin of the vessel and its crew. This was a paradigm-shifting discovery: while it had been assumed up to that point that maritime trade in the eastern Mediterranean was conducted almost entirely by Mycenaeans, and that Canaanites had not taken to the sea with purpose until the first millennium, the Gelidonya shipwreck provided a heretofore unrecognized Bronze Age background for the Phoenicians’ Iron Age maritime activity (Bass 2012) (for the Canaanite background of the Phoenicians, see chapter 4, this volume).
The development of mortise-and-tenon joinery is a microcosm of the accelerated innovation in maritime technology that marked the end of the Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean. Many of these innovations likely originated in the pre-Phoenician seafaring communities of the Syro-Canaanite littoral (Emanuel 2014). Perhaps most important was the loose-footed sail and brailed rig, a system by which the sail could be raised, lowered, and adjusted like a Venetian blind, allowing vessels to sail more closely to the wind than their boom-footed square sail-rigged predecessors. The earliest evidence for this rig, found in secondary deposition at Saqqara, is an Egyptian relief of cargo being unloaded from two Syro-Canaanite vessels, while the most famous second millennium depiction can be seen in the naval battle relief on the walls of Ramesses III’s mortuary temple at Medinet Habu (Emanuel 2014). As Shelley Wachsmann has noted, “this rig, more than any other single factor, permitted the remarkable ‘explosion’ in vastly extended sea routes and long-distance colonization that we witness beginning in the early first millennium bc” (Wachsmann 2000: 234).
The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean Page 61