Daniel S Markey

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by No Exit from Pakistan (pdf)


  evidence of ISI support to a range of other Pakistani militant groups, some

  of which were also quite sympathetic to al-Qaeda. At the very least, Pakistan

  hardly looked like a satisfactory partner worthy of billions of dollars in Amer-

  ican assistance. Pakistan’s subsequent arrest and trial of Dr. Shakil Afridi, the

  doctor who ran a fake polio vaccination campaign in an effort to help the

  United States ascertain bin Laden’s identity, only added insult to injury.

  There should be no mistaking that Pakistan’s failure to meet U.S. expecta-

  tions in the fight against terrorism represented the core stumbling block in the

  relationship. To explain the remainder of the yawning chasm between aspira-

  tions of a transformed U.S.-Pakistan relationship in 2008 and the sad reality of

  2011, however, the comic strip Pogo’s famous line, “We have met the enemy,

  and he is us,” captures an important part of the story. Recent episodes, includ-

  ing the Raymond Davis affair, suggest that the sole remaining superpower

  is better at hunting and killing terrorists than winning friends or influencing

  people.

  A Tumultuous Transition

  Stepping back to 2007–8, the final years of the Bush administration, both Pak-

  istan itself and relations between Washington and Islamabad were in turmoil.

  Violence inside Pakistan spiked in the aftermath of the July 2007 Red Mosque

  raid. Not only did more of Pakistan’s militants turn against the state in the

  tribal areas but they also extended their reach into nearby settled parts of

  the country and unleashed suicide bombers on its cities. In September 2008,

  when a massive truck bomb turned the Islamabad Marriott into a smolder-

  ing crater and killed more than fifty people, regular international visitors to

  Pakistan shuddered. “That could have been me,” was the collective refrain.

  In November, when Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists from Pakistan killed Indians,

  Americans, Israelis, and other international visitors in their commando-style

  raid on Mumbai, similar fears resurfaced.

  Pakistanis, of course, routinely experienced violence beyond the oases of

  five-star hotels. Attacks escalated in the tribal areas as well as in the nation’s

  urban centers. From January 2007 through December 2009, the number of

  Pakistanis killed or wounded by terrorism exceeded 2,300 in Peshawar, 1,300

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  No Exit from Pakistan

  in Lahore, and 800 in Karachi. In the previous three years, total violence

  was far lower; terrorists killed or wounded 90 Pakistanis in Peshawar and

  Lahore and about 500 Pakistanis in Karachi.7 Major cities imposed draconian

  security measures in their effort to clamp down on the violence, but ending

  the threat posed by suicide bombers and gunmen was an impossibly difficult

  task.

  In 2009, the army finally launched a major offensive in the Swat Valley of

  Pakistan’s northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, where the Pakistani

  Taliban had seized territory and reneged on a peace deal with the provincial

  government. Army operations that year forced 2 million people to flee their

  homes. Despite its huge human costs, the Pakistani public backed the campaign.

  A video clip circulated on the Internet and broadcast on Pakistani television of

  the Taliban mercilessly flogging a seventeen-year-old girl fueled public outrage

  against them.8 Over a similar period, the army also expanded and intensified

  its fight in the tribal agencies of South Waziristan and Bajaur along the Afghan

  border, where anti-state militants were uprooted only at great cost, and then

  held at bay only by persistent army occupation.9

  A Bright New Democratic Future?

  Yet in the midst of this bloodshed, there was also an undeniable euphoria in

  Pakistan about the political change that had forced Musharraf to step down

  and returned civilian leaders to power. Hopes ran high, as the famous veteran

  diplomat Richard Holbrooke reported from Pakistan during a March 2008 trip.

  He argued that Washington should send a “clear and consistent” message to

  Pakistan: “democracy, reconciliation, the military out of politics, a new policy

  for the tribal areas – and more democracy.”10 That was nine months before

  president-elect Obama and his new secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, offered

  him the job of special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan.

  Once in office, Holbrooke set about putting his money where his mouth was.

  Washington’s primary policy tool for helping Pakistan’s civilian government

  was to be a vast infusion of cash. Such a plan had already been kicking around

  for a couple of years on Capitol Hill and inside the State Department. When

  7 Worldwide Incidents Tracking System, National Counterterrorism Center, http://www.wits

  .nctc.gov on February 1, 2012.

  8 Abubaker Siddique, “Pakistani Flogging Video Leads to Outrage against Increasing Taliban Influence,” Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, April 7, 2009, http://www.rferl.org/content/

  Pakistani Flogging Video Leads to Outrage Against Taliban/1604077.html.

  9 For a great deal more detail on the Pakistani military campaigns against the Pakistani Taliban (TTP) during this period, see Jerry Meyerle, Unconventional Warfare and Counterinsurgency in Pakistan, CNA Strategic Studies, November 2012, http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/

  research/Pakistan.pdf.

  10 Richard Holbrooke, “Hope in Pakistan,” Washington Post, March 21, 2008, http://www

  .washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/03/20/AR2008032003016.html.

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  Great Expectations to Greater Frustrations

  141

  one of its early sponsors, Senator Joe Biden, became vice president, the idea

  was nearly ready for prime time.

  The legislative effort was driven by three U.S. politicians: the co-chairs

  of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, John Kerry and Richard Lugar,

  and Representative Howard Berman, chair of the House Committee on For-

  eign Affairs. Together, they sponsored the authorizing legislation colloquially

  known as “Kerry-Lugar-Berman,” “Kerry-Lugar,” or “KLB” for short.11 KLB

  tripled U.S. assistance for nonmilitary projects, raising it to roughly $1.5 bil-

  lion per year for a five-year period. It also had provisions that in order for

  military aid to be sent to Pakistan, the secretary of state was required to certify

  that the Pakistani government was “continuing to cooperate” with the United

  States in dismantling nuclear supply networks, that it had “demonstrated a

  sustained commitment to and [was] making significant efforts towards com-

  bating terrorist groups,” and that the Pakistani military was “not materially

  and substantially subverting the political and judicial processes of Pakistan.”

  In addition to these certifications, the law required the secretary of state to

  submit repor
ts to Congress on, among many other issues, the degree to which

  Pakistan’s civilian leaders exercised effective control of the military.

  The Obama South Asia team, with Holbrooke leading the charge, cham-

  pioned the bill as a means to trumpet America’s sympathy for Pakistan’s

  democrats. The bill was notable in comparison to the Bush administration’s

  aid package, which had offered equal parts civilian and military assistance and

  later sent billions of dollars more to the Pakistani military. With this new pack-

  age, Obama officials sought to signal to ordinary Pakistanis that the United

  States was committed to a long-term relationship with their people and not just

  their military.

  Unfortunately, KLB stumbled right out of the gate. Over a year later, it still

  had not managed to find its footing. KLB became a tragic symbol of American

  diplomatic missteps in Pakistan and the yawning gap between Washington’s

  rhetoric and its capacity for follow-through.

  The political storm over KLB broke over Pakistan as soon as Congress passed

  it in early October 2009. For several drama-filled days, Pakistan’s opposition

  politicians took to the floor of the National Assembly in Islamabad to decry

  KLB’s “insulting” language that violated Pakistan’s sovereignty and imposed

  unreasonable “conditions” on the aid.12 They asked why the U.S. Congress

  had used the public language in an assistance authorization bill to raise ques-

  tions about sensitive issues like Pakistan’s nuclear program and counterterror

  policies.

  11 For the full text of the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act, see http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

  pkg/BILLS-111s1707enr/pdf/BILLS-111s1707enr.pdf.

  12 Jane Perlez and Ismail Khan, “Aid Package from U.S. Jolts Army in Pakistan,” New York Times, October 7, 2009, www.nytimes.com/2009/10/08/world/asia/08pstan.html?scp=7&sq=kerry%

  20lugar%20pakistan&st=cse.

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  No Exit from Pakistan

  The army and its civilian mouthpieces were especially upset over the KLB

  requirement that the state department report on civilian control over the

  military’s “chain of command” and “the process of promotion for senior mili-

  tary leaders.”13 Given the history of tussles between the army and civilian lead-

  ers, this language was considered especially intrusive. During Pakistan’s par-

  liamentary debate, one prominent politician called the bill a historic defeat.14

  Another called it a “triumph for India.”15

  Instead of energizing a new relationship between Pakistan and the United

  States, skeptics of that relationship saw it as proof-positive of Washington’s

  malign intent. Pakistan’s ruling party was forced to defend its dealings with

  Washington in the face of angry statements from the army and indignation

  from across the political spectrum.16

  The idea that American aid could be greeted with such hostility shocked

  many American policymakers and legislators in Washington. KLB was not a

  reincarnation of the infamous Pressler amendment.17 Its “conditions” did not

  apply to civilian aid, and the certifications that were required from the secretary

  of state were carefully worded so as to provide flexibility on military aid as

  well. Contrary to the suspicions Pakistanis harbored, the American champions

  of the bill were genuinely interested in fostering a long-term, broad-based

  relationship between the United States and the people of Pakistan in ways that

  reflected Pakistan’s own priorities.18

  If that was the case, why did KLB use language that was certain to ruffle

  Pakistani feathers? Pakistani conspiracy theorists – including some national

  political leaders – saw the “evil hand” of Indian lobbyists at work on Capitol

  Hill.19 The truth was more mundane.

  A side-by-side comparison of the Kerry-Lugar (Senate) bill and the Berman

  (House) bill shows that the most inflammatory language in the final version

  of KLB came from the House.20 Why the difference? Like Kerry and Lugar,

  Berman supported aid to Pakistan’s civilian government and wanted to see

  13 The language on civilian control over the military is found in Section 302(a) (15) of the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act.

  14 “Hashmi Terms Govt’s Stance on KLB as a Historic Defeat,” Daily Regional Times, October 17, 2009; “Kerry Lugar Bill Worth ‘Peanuts’: PML-N,” Asian News International, September 29, 2009, http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/125375.

  15 “Kerry-Lugar Bill a ‘Triumph for India’: Shujaat Hussain,” Asian News International, October 8, 2009, http://newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/127056.

  16 Iftikhar A. Khan, “Corps Commanders Express Concern over Kerry-Lugar,” Dawn, October 8, 2009, http://archives.dawn.com/archives/41612.

  17 The 1985 Pressler amendment, which forced the cutoff in U.S. assistance to Pakistan, is discussed in Chapter 3.

  18 “Chairman Kerry and Chairman Berman Release Joint Explanatory Statement to Accompany Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act of 2009,” Office of Senator John Kerry, October 14, 2009, http://kerry.senate.gov/press/release/?id=34cf9b3a-2791-4dec-bc23-8611417466ed.

  19 Author conversations with Pakistani officials and commentators, Islamabad, Pakistan, October 2009.

  20 For the text of H.R. 1886, the final bill passed by the House on June 11, 2009, see http://www

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  Great Expectations to Greater Frustrations

  143

  relations with Pakistan improve. However, he also believed that his legislation

  was a smarter, more comprehensive reflection of U.S. interests in Pakistan than

  the Senate version.21 It covered more territory, authorizing military as well as

  civilian aid. It touched upon nearly all facets of the relationship.

  Berman also faced more acute political pressures than his colleagues in the

  Senate. He needed to win over skeptical House members and explain why

  sending billions of dollars to Islamabad would make a direct, material contri-

  bution to American interests. He needed to show that the Pakistanis would be

  held accountable for the money they received. He was determined not to give

  Islamabad the sort of “blank check” President Bush had offered Musharraf.

  He was also determined not to give the Obama administration the latitude

  that he thought had been abused by the Bush administration.22 By requir-

  ing the State Department to submit routine reports on its programs and on

  developments inside Pakistan, he and his staff believed his bill imposed greater

  accountability without creating inflexible conditions.

  Finally, Berman also felt that the House Foreign Affairs Committee needed

  to demonstrate its relevance to the foreign policy-making process. If it did not,

  the administration, congressional appropriators, and other committees would

  violate its turf. That had been the story for years before Berman assu
med

  the committee chairmanship, particularly with respect to military assistance.23

  The idea that these sorts of congressional turf battles might set the tone for

  a major piece of foreign policy legislation would not surprise anyone familiar

  with Capitol Hill. Yet these “inside the Beltway” explanations received little

  notice in Pakistan. In this respect, the episode reveals both the extent to which

  Congress “matters” in the U.S. policy process and, at the same time, the limited

  appreciation of this fact outside Washington.

  The legislative process that yielded KLB was an unusually messy one, reflect-

  ing clear differences between Berman’s vision and that of the bill’s Senate spon-

  sors. In June 2009, Kerry publicly criticized the House version of the bill for

  sending the wrong message to the Pakistani public. He said it threatened to

  paint Pakistan’s government as “an American puppet,” and suggested this ran

  “counter to some of the things that we’re trying to do.”24 Senate staffers and

  the final bill passed by the Senate on June 24, 2009, see: http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/

  cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=111 cong bills&docid=f:s962es.txt.pdf.

  21 Author conversations with House and Senate staffers, January 19–20, 2012.

  22 Many congressional observers perceived the Bush administration’s use of Coalition Support Funds as a particularly cynical “blank check” exercise. See, for instance, the exchange between Senator Robert Menendez and Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher in “U.S. Foreign Assistance to Pakistan,” Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Development and Foreign Assistance, Economic Affairs, and International Environmental Protection of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, 110th Congress, First Session (Washington, DC: U.S. GPO), December 6, 2007, pp. 20–22, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/

  CHRG-110shrg45127/pdf/CHRG-110shrg45127.pdf.

  23 Author conversations with House and Senate staffers, January 19–20, 2012.

  24 Adam Graham-Silverman, “House to Consider Revised Pakistan Aid Measure,” Congressional Quarterly Today, June 10, 2009.

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