by Herodotus
114. See viii, 53.
115. The great Propylaea, the most magnificent of the works of Pericles.
116. Related in the next chapter.
117. The port of Athens at the time.
118. Statues in wood preceded those in stone and bronze. The material suited a ruder state of the arts.
119. This is, of course, not true, for the olive had been cultivated in the east from a very remote antiquity. (Deuteronomy vi, 11; viii, 8, etc.) It is, however, very likely that the olive may have been introduced into Attica from Asia, before it was known to the rest of Greece.
120. By ‘Athene Polias’ we are to understand the Athene who presided over the city. Her temple in later times was a portion of the building known to the Athenians by the general name of Erechtheium, which stood on the north side of the Acropolis, nearly opposite the spot afterwards occupied by the Parthenon.
121. The Dorian tunic was woollen; it had no sleeves, and was fastened over both the shoulders by brooches. It was scanty and short, sometimes scarcely reaching the knee. The Ionic tunic was of linen: it had short loose sleeves, as we see in statues of the Muses, and so did not need brooches; it was a long and full dress hiding the form, and reaching down generally to the feet.
122. The pottery of Athens was the most celebrated in ancient Greece.
123. The temple of Athene Polias (see chs. 72 and 82).
124. See ch. 65.
125. The cruel tyranny of Periander is agreed on by all writers.
126. [A river of Epirus; now known as the Suliotiko or Phanariotiko – E.H.B.]
127. Iolcos, the port from which the Argonauts were said to have sailed, lay at the bottom of the Pagasean gulf in the district called Magnesia.
128. See ch. 65.
129. So called because it was supposed to contain the tomb of Achilles.
130. Compare i, 56.
131. See ch. 49.
132. See i, 147, and ix. 97..
133. See chs. 15–17.
134. Herodotus gives the name of Doriscus to the great alluvial plain through which the river Hebrus (Maritza) empties itself into the sea.
135. Eretria lay upon the coast of Euboea, 12 or 13 miles below Chalcis.
136. The Caÿster, now the Little Mendere, washed Ephesus on the north, and formed its harbour.
137. In Eastern capitals the houses are still rarely of brick or stone. Reeds and wood constitute the chief building materials. Hence the terrible conflagrations which from time to time devastate them.
138. Cybebe, Cybele, or Rhea, was the Magna Mater, or Mother of the Gods, a principal object of worship among all the Oriental nations. Her temple at Sardis was a magnificent structure, of the Ionic order, formed of blocks of white marble of an enormous size.
139. Simonides the Cean, like Pindar, wrote odes in praise of those who carried off prizes in the games.
140. Amathus, one of the most ancient Phoenician settlements in Cyprus.
141. Compare i, 153, and ch. 73 of this Book.
142. Compare with this what is said of the Thracians (supra, iv, 94). The nation here seems to be, to send the message to heaven on the arrow.
143. That is, Ormuzd.. The Greeks identify the supreme God of each nation with their own Zeus (i, 131; ii, 55, etc.).
144. Salamis was situated on the eastern coast of Cyprus.
145. Cyprus, like Phoenicia, seems to have been at all times governed by a number of petty kings.
146. Soli lay on the north coast of Cyprus.
147. Curium lay upon the southern coast, between Paphos and Amathus.
148. The poems of Solon were written chiefly in the elegiac metre, and were hortatory or gnomic.
149. Gorgus is still king at the time of the expedition of Xerxes (vii, 98).
150. The practice of marrying the king’s daughters to the most distinguished of the Persian nobles had in view the consolidation of the empire and the strengthening of the royal power, by attaching to the throne those who would have been most likely to stir up revolts.
151. Cius, like most other towns upon this coast, was a colony of the Milesians.
152. See ch. 116.
153. See i, 142.
154. See i, 149.
155. Sardinia seems to have been viewed by the Greeks of this time as a sort of El Dorado.
156. Leros, one of the Sporades, retains its ancient name almost unchanged.
Book Six
1. Aristagoras, the author of the Ionian revolt, perished in the way which I have described. Meanwhile Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, who had been allowed by Darius to leave Susa, came down to Sardis. On his arrival, being asked by Artaphernes, the Sardian satrap, what he thought was the reason that the Ionians had rebelled, he made answer that he could not conceive, and it had astonished him greatly, pretending to be quite unconscious of the whole business. Artaphernes, however, who perceived that he was dealing dishonestly, and who had in fact full knowledge of the whole history of the outbreak, said to him, ‘I will tell thee how the case stands, Histiaeus: this shoe is of thy stitching; Aristagoras has but put it on.’
2. Such was the remark made by Artaphernes concerning the rebellion. Histiaeus, alarmed at the knowledge which he displayed, so soon as night fell, fled away to the coast. Thus he forfeited his word to Darius; for though he had pledged himself to bring Sardinia, the biggest island in the whole world, under the Persian yoke, [1] he in reality sought to obtain the direction of the war against the king. Crossing over to Chios, he was there laid in bonds by the inhabitants, who accused him of intending some mischief against them in the interest of Darius. However, when the whole truth was laid before them, and they found that Histiaeus was in reality a foe to the king, they forthwith set him at large again.
3. After this the Ionians inquired of him for what reason he had so strongly urged Aristagoras to revolt from the king, thereby doing their nation so ill a service. In reply, he took good care not to disclose to them the real cause, but told them that King Darius had intended to remove the Phoenicians from their own country, and place them in Ionia, while he planted the Ionians in Phoenicia, and that it was for this reason he sent Aristagoras the order. Now it was not true that the king had entertained any such intention, but Histiaeus succeeded hereby in arousing the fears of the Ionians. [2]
4. After this, Histiaeus, by means of a certain Hermippus, a native of Atarneus, sent letters to many of the Persians in Sardis, who had before held some discourse with him concerning a revolt. Hermippus, however, instead of conveying them to the persons to whom they were addressed, delivered them into the hands of Artaphernes, who, perceiving what was on foot, commanded Hermippus to deliver the letters according to their addresses, and then bring him back the answers which were sent to Histiaeus. The traitors being in this way discovered, Artaphernes put a number of Persians to death, and caused a commotion in Sardis.
5. As for Histiaeus, when his hopes in this matter were disappointed, he persuaded the Chians to carry him back to Miletus; but the Milesians were too well pleased at having got quit of Aristagoras to be anxious to receive another tyrant into their country; besides which they had now tasted liberty. They therefore opposed his return; and when he endeavoured to force an entrance during the night, one of the inhabitants even wounded him in the thigh. Having been thus rejected from his country, he went back to Chios; whence, after failing in an attempt to induce the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over to Mytilene, where he succeeded in obtaining vessels from the Lesbians. They fitted out a squadron of eight triremes, and sailed with him to the Hellespont, where they took up their station, and proceeded to seize all the vessels which passed out from the Euxine, unless the crews declared themselves ready to obey his orders.
6. While Histiaeus and the Mytilenaeans were thus employed, Miletus was expecting an attack from a vast ar
mament, which comprised both a fleet and also a land force. The Persian captains had drawn their several detachments together, and formed them into a single army; and had resolved to pass over all the other cities, which they regarded as of lesser account, and to march straight on Miletus. Of the naval states, Phoenicia showed the greatest zeal; but the fleet was composed likewise of the Cyprians (who had so lately been brought under), [3] the Cilicians, and also the Egyptians.
7. While the Persians were thus making preparations against Miletus and Ionia, the Ionians, informed of their intent, sent their deputies to the Panionium, [4] and held a council upon the posture of their affairs. Hereat it was determined that no land force should be collected to oppose the Persians, but that the Milesians should be left to defend their own walls as they could; at the same time they agreed that the whole naval force of the states, not excepting a single ship, should be equipped, and should muster at Lade, [5] a small island lying off Miletus – to give battle on behalf of the place.
8. Presently the Ionians began to assemble in their ships, and with them came the Aeolians of Lesbos; and in this way they marshalled their line: The wing towards the east was formed of the Milesians themselves, who furnished eighty ships; next to them came the Prienians with twelve, and the Myusians with three ships; after the Myusians were stationed the Teians, whose ships were seventeen; then the Chians, who furnished a hundred. The Erythraeans and Phocaeans followed, the former with eight, the latter with three ships; beyond the Phocaeans were the Lesbians, furnishing seventy; last of all came the Samians, forming the western wing, and furnishing sixty vessels. The fleet amounted in all to three hundred and fifty-three triremes. Such was the number on the Ionian side.
9. On the side of the barbarians the number of vessels was six hundred. These assembled off the coast of Milesia, while the land army collected upon the shore; but the leaders, learning the strength of the Ionian fleet, began to fear lest they might fail to defeat them, in which case, not having the mastery at sea, they would be unable to reduce Miletus, and might in consequence receive rough treatment at the hands of Darius. So when they thought of all these things, they resolved on the following course: Calling together the Ionian tyrants, who had fled to the Medes for refuge when Aristagoras deposed them from their governments, and who were now in camp, having joined in the expedition against Miletus, the Persians addressed them thus: ‘Men of Ionia, now is the fit time to show your zeal for the house of the king. Use your best efforts, every one of you, to detach your fellow-countrymen from the general body. Hold forth to them the promise that, if they submit, no harm shall happen to them on account of their rebellion; their temples shall not be burnt, nor any of their private buildings; neither shall they be treated with greater harshness than before the outbreak. But if they refuse to yield, and determine to try the chance of a battle, threaten them with the fate which shall assuredly overtake them in that case. Tell them, when they are vanquished in fight, they shall be enslaved; their boys shall be made eunuchs, and their maidens transported to Bactria; while their country shall be delivered into the hands of foreigners.’
10. Thus spake the Persians. The Ionian tyrants sent accordingly by night to their respective citizens, and reported the words of the Persians; but the people were all staunch, and refused to betray their countrymen, those of each state thinking that they alone had had overtures made to them. Now these events happened on the first appearance of the Persians before Miletus.
11. Afterwards, while the Ionian fleet was still assembled at Lade, councils were held, and speeches made by divers persons – among the rest by Dionysius, the Phocaean captain, who thus expressed himself: ‘Our affairs hang on the razor’s edge, men of Ionia, either to be free or to be slaves; and slaves, too, who have shown themselves runaways. Now then you have to choose whether you will endure hardships, and so for the present lead a life of toil, but thereby gain ability to overcome your enemies and establish your own freedom; or whether you will persist in this slothfulness and disorder, in which case I see no hope of your escaping the king’s vengeance for your rebellion. I beseech you, be persuaded by me, and trust yourselves to my guidance. Then, if the gods only hold the balance fairly between us, I undertake to say that our foes will either decline a battle, or, if they fight, suffer complete discomfiture.’
12. These words prevailed with the Ionians, and forthwith they committed themselves to Dionysius; whereupon he proceeded every day to make the ships move in column, and the rowers ply their oars, and exercise themselves in breaking the line; [6] while the marines were held under arms, and the vessels were kept, till evening fell, upon their anchors, [7] so that the men had nothing but toil from morning even to night. Seven days did the Ionians continue obedient, and do whatsoever he bade them; but on the eighth day, worn out by the hardness of the work and the heat of the sun, and quite unaccustomed to such fatigues, they began to confer together, and to say one to another, ‘What god have we offended to bring upon ourselves such a punishment as this? Fools and distracted that we were, to put ourselves into the hands of this Phocaean braggart, who does but furnish three ships to the fleet. He, now that he has got us, plagues us in the most desperate fashion; many of us, in consequence, have fallen sick already – many more expect to follow. We had better suffer anything rather than these hardships; even the slavery with which we are threatened, however harsh, can be no worse than our present thralldom. Come, let us refuse him obedience.’ So saying, they forthwith ceased to obey his orders, and pitched their tents, as if they had been soldiers, upon the island, where they reposed under the shade all day, and refused to go aboard the ships and train themselves.
13. Now when the Samian captains perceived what was taking place, they were more inclined than before to accept the terms which Aeaces, the son of Syloson, had been authorised by the Persians to offer them, on condition of their deserting from the confederacy. For they saw that all was disorder among the Ionians, and they felt also that it was hopeless to contend with the power of the king; since if they defeated the fleet which had been sent against them, they knew that another would come five times as great. So they took advantage of the occasion which now offered, and as soon as ever they saw the Ionians refuse to work, hastened gladly to provide for the safety of their temples and their properties. This Aeaces, who made the overtures to the Samians, was the son of Syloson, and grandson of the earlier Aeaces. He had formerly been tyrant of Samos, but was ousted from his government by Aristagoras the Milesian, at the same time with the other tyrants of the Ionians.
14. The Phoenicians soon afterwards sailed to the attack; and the Ionians likewise put themselves in line, and went out to meet them. When they had now neared one another, and joined battle, which of the Ionians fought like brave men and which like cowards, I cannot declare with any certainty, for charges are brought on all sides; but the tale goes that the Samians, according to the agreement which they had made with Aeaces, hoisted sail, and quitting their post bore away for Samos, except eleven ships, whose captains gave no heed to the orders of the commanders, but remained and took part in the battle. The state of Samos, in consideration of this action, granted to these men, as an acknowledgment of their bravery, the honour of having their names, and the names of their fathers, inscribed upon a pillar, which still stands in the market-place. The Lesbians also, when they saw the Samians, who were drawn up next them, begin to flee, themselves did the like; and the example, once set, was followed by the greater number of the Ionians.
15. Of those who remained and fought, none were so rudely handled as the Chians, who displayed prodigies of valour, and disdained to play the part of cowards. They furnished to the common fleet, as I mentioned above, one hundred ships, having each of them forty armed citizens, and those picked men, on board; and when they saw the greater portion of the allies betraying the common cause, they for their part, scorning to imitate the base conduct of these traitors, although they were left almost alone and unsupported, a ver
y few friends continuing to stand by them, notwithstanding went on with the fight, and ofttimes cut the line of the enemy, until at last, after they had taken very many of their adversaries’ ships, they ended by losing more than half of their own. Hereupon, with the remainder of their vessels, the Chians fled away to their own country.
16. As for such of their ships as were damaged and disabled, these, being pursued by the enemy, made straight for Mycale, [8] where the crews ran them ashore, and abandoning them began their march along the continent. Happening in their way upon the territory of Ephesus, they essayed to cross it; but here a dire misfortune befell them. It was night, and the Ephesian women chanced to be engaged in celebrating the Thesmophoria – the previous calamity of the Chians had not been heard of [9] – so when the Ephesians saw their country invaded by an armed band, they made no question of the new-comers being robbers who purposed to carry off their women; [10] and accordingly they marched out against them in full force, and slew them all. Such were the misfortunes which befell them of Chios.
17. Dionysius, the Phocaean, when he perceived that all was lost, having first captured three ships from the enemy, himself took to flight. He would not, however, return to Phocaea, which he well knew must fall again, like the rest of Ionia, under the Persian yoke; but straightway, as he was, he set sail for Phoenicia, and there sunk a number of merchantmen, and gained a great booty; after which he directed his course to Sicily, where he established himself as a corsair, and plundered the Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians, but did no harm to the Greeks.
18. The Persians, when they had vanquished the Ionians in the sea-fight, besieged Miletus both by land and sea, driving mines under the walls, and making use of every known device, until at length they took both the citadel and the town, six years from the time when the revolt first broke out under Aristagoras. All the inhabitants of the city they reduced to slavery, and thus the event tallied with the announcement which had been made by the oracle.