by Livia Kohn
Conclusion
In the Ming dynasty, when the Tianhuang yuce was compiled, leading hand signs were those symbolizing jade, the sword, the nine palaces, the seven stars, the Jade Clarity, the Northern Emperor, the eight trigrams, and the three terraces. Using the three joints of the four fingers, they matched also the four mainstays and the eight directions (3.9a).
This group represents a much reduced repertory if compared to the hand signs in earlier materials. The ritual use of hand signs typically accompanied incantations or ecstatic excursions to the cosmic net. In the context of this practice, it was acceptable to use one hand to make finger signs or apply pressure to relevant spots, such as those symbolizing the eight trigrams, the seven stars of the Dipper, or the twelve zodiac positions. In addition, cosmic patterns laid out on the palm of the hand played a role similar to that of the diviner’s compass and could be used in a large variety of contexts and functions. Only later were finger patterns linked with the bowl of the Dipper and applied to larger cosmic control.
This discussion has focused on ritual texts contained in the Daoist canon that present hand signs, describing their historical unfolding and different typologies. It has become clear that Daoist hand signs in their formal presentation and ritual use developed under the influence of Buddhist mudras but were by no means a simple imitation of the latter. Rather, beginning with the Tang dynasty, Daoists combined the formal symbols and styles used in Buddhist mudras with their own finger techniques and cosmological systems. As the terminology
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changed from the Buddhist-based yin (seal) to the Daoist jue (sign), so the tradition adapted and integrated the Buddhist patterns into its own worldview, signifying a shift toward a uniquely Daoist practice that had its roots in medieval techniques of pressing certain sacred spots in the body for greater spiritual efficacy.
Beginning with the Northern Song and the flourishing of thunder rites, hand signs were no longer used only in meditative and exorcistic practices but were reoriented to playing an active role in the summoning of the Five Thunders, as documented in the Daofa huiyuan.
Here many varieties of thunder styles and sword signs appear, used in the different thunder rites and becoming more intensely linked with them over time. In the ritual texts, finger techniques recorded both before and after the Song tend to be described as central for establishing the bodily integrity and harmony of the practitioner. They are also essential in increasing and maintaining the Daoist’s cosmic powers and protection. They are intimately connected to methods of guarding the body against baleful influences that were already important in ancient times. The various ways of exerting finger pressure and/or pressing important spots in the body underlie the Daoist tradition of hand signs, assuring that, despite massive Buddhist influence, the signs and their usages remain firmly embedded in the indigenous religion.
To conclude, I would like to emphasize two points. In Buddhist mudras, the right hand is seen as the pure and the left hand as the impure one. This order of things is completely reversed in Daoism, in which the left hand, being of yang nature, represents cosmic purity.7
Above and beyond this basic cosmic distinction, Daoist ritual texts pay close attention to the exact function and purpose of a given hand sign and assign a specific hand in proper accordance with the talisman used and the incantation chanted.
The other point I would like to make is that in certain extra-canonical texts, such as the Longhu shan bichuan shoujue (Secretly Transmitted Hand Signs from Mount Longhu; see Saso 1978), numerous hand signs are immediately patterned on Buddhist mudras.8 In materials contained in the Daozang, and those discussed in this study (which date from the Tang through the Ming dynasties) on the other hand, signs different from Buddhist mudras tend to dominate. The exact relationship between these two kinds of sources and/or traditions within Daoism is yet to be determined.
Translated by Livia Kohn
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Mitamura Keiko
Notes
1. See Yoshioka 1952; Misaki 1991; Xiao 1991; 1992. The latter especially examines the Buddhist influence on Daoist rites and signs, examining in particular the Yujia jiyao jiu anan tuoluoni yankou guiyi jing (Sutra of Ananda’s Salvific Dharani and Rites for Feeding Flaming Mouths, Contained in the Essential Collection of Yogic Practices, T. 1318, 21.468–472) by Amoghavajra, renowned Tantric master of the eighth century.
2. Yoshioka (1952) in this context studied especially the Qiankun yizhang tu (Charts of Palm Signs of the Trigrams of Heaven and Earth), a text of the mid-Ming; the Fengxue jiaozi shu (Book on Teachings of Wind and Snow) of the late Ming; and the Jilian keyi (Rules and Observances for Sacrifices and Purifications) of the Qing. He also considered the Liujia feishen shu (The Six Jia Gods’ Art of Flying), the Bamen yanqin shenshu (Divine Book of the Beasts of the Eight Gates), and the Wanfa fanzong (Tradition of the Myriad Methods) of late imperial origin. In addition, Michael Saso (1978) undertook a study of these and similar materials.
3. See Ofuchi 1983, 1:11–19, 221–225; Liu 1984, 2:80–98. Liu found that in present-day Taiwan, redhead Daoists of the north have a repertoire of fourteen hand signs, while blackhead Daoists of the south commonly use eleven.
Each sign symbolizes one particular deity, object, movement, or ritual action.
They apply the same term, independent of whether the sign is made by two hands, one hand, or only certain fingers.
4. On the text, see Boltz 1987, 30, 47; Loon 1979; Yoshioka 1961, 60.
5. On these, see Saudern 1960; Kokusho 1987; Nan 1990; 1992.
6. Another text that has the same phenomenon is the Gongyang yishi (Ritual Observances of Rites of Nurturing, T. 859, 18.177–181).
7. This is clearly spelled out in the Tianhuang yuce (ch. 3) and in the Zhuguo biyao, the latter linking the left hand with the sun (yang/purity) and the right hand with the moon (yin/impurity). See Yoshioka 1952.
8. The text contains seventy-five hand signs, most of which are basically mudras, executed either by one hand or two. Texts in the Daoist canon, on the contrary, have more signs involving finger pressure. Why this difference? Who was using which? How did they evolve historically? How do they appear in late-imperial materials? All these are unanswered questions that await further study, for which a good resource may be the recently published ritual collection by Wang Qiugui (1997).
Bibliography
Andersen, Poul. 1991. “Taoist Ritual Texts and Traditions with Special Reference to Bugang, the Cosmic Dance.” Ph.D. diss., University of Copenhagen.
Bokenkamp, Stephen. 1983. “Sources of the Ling-pao Scriptures.” In Tantric and Taoist Studies, ed. by Michel Strickmann, 2:434–486. Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises.
Boltz, Judith M. 1987. A Survey of Taoist Literature: Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries.
Berkeley: University of California, Center for Chinese Studies.
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Kokusho Kankokai, ed. 1987. Kaitei zuin taikan. Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai.
Liu Zhiwan. 1984. Chugoku dokyo no matsuri to shinko. Tokyo: Ofusha.
Liu Zhongyu. 1993. “Qiajue chutan.” Daojia xue tansuo 10:166–185.
Loon, Piet van der. 1979. “A Taoist Collection of the Fourteenth Century.” In Studia Sino-Mongolica: Festschrift for Herbert Franke, ed. by Wolfgang Bauer, 401–405. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner: Münchener Ostasiatische Studien.
Misaki Ryoshu. 1991. “Chugoku, Nihon no mikkyo ni okeru dokyo teki yoso.”
In Nihon, Chugoku no shukyo bunka no kenkyu, ed. by Sakai Tadao, Fukui Fumimasa, and Yamada Toshiaki, 115–154. Tokyo: Hirakawa.
Mitamura Keiko. 1998. “Kagisho ni mieru shuketsu no henyo.” Toho shukyo 92:15–30.
Nan Huaijin, ed. 1990. Mijiao tuyin ji vol. 1. Taipei: Laogu wenhua.
———, ed. 1992. Mijiao tuyin ji vol. 2. Taipei: Laogu wenhua.
Ofuchi Ninji, ed. 1983. Chugokujin no shukyo girei. Toky
o: Fukutake.
Orzech, Charles D. 1989. “Seeing Chen-yen Buddhism.” History of Religions 29.2:87–114.
Reiter, Florian C. 1990. Der Perlenbeutel aus den drei Höhlen: Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T’ang-Zeit. Asiatische Forschungen vol. 12. Wiesbaden, Germany: Otto Harrassowitz.
Sakade Yoshinobu. 1989. “Son Shibaku ni okeru iryo to Dokyo.” In Senkinho kenkyu shiryoshu, ed. as Toyo igaku zenpon sosho 52–65. Osaka: Orient Publishing.
———. 1992. “Dokyo no jyufu ni tsuite.” Kansai daigaku bungaku ronshu 42.3:59–92.
Saso, Michael R. 1978. Dokyo hiketsu shusei. Tokyo: Ryukei shosha.
Saunders, E. Dale. 1960. Mudra: A Study of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Buddhist Sculpture. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Wang Qiugui. 1997. Zhongguo chuantong keyi benhui pian Fujian sheng Long Yan shi Dongxiao zhen Lüshan jiao Guangji tan keyi ben. Taipei: Xinwenfeng.
Ware, James R. 1966. Alchemy, Medicine and Religion in the China of a.d. 320.
Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Xiao Dengfu. 1991. Daojiao xingdou fuyin yu fojiao mizong. Taipei: Xinwenfeng.
———. 1992. Daojiao shuyi yu mizong dianji. Taipei: Xinwenfeng.
Yoshioka Yoshitoyo. 1952. “Dokyo no toketsu inkei ni tsuite.” Taisho daigaku gakuho. Reprinted in Yoshioka Yoshitoyo chosakushu 3:2–18. Tokyo: Satsuki shobo.
———. 1961. “Bukkyo jukai shiso no Chugoku teki shuyo.” Shukyo kenkyu 35.1:51–72.
12
Documents Used in Rituals
of Merit in Taiwanese Daoism
Maruyama Hiroshi
There are many different angles from which one can approach the study of Daoist ritual, but my specific interest focuses on the contents and structure of the written documents used in them, and I try to understand their meaning within the larger religious worldview and practice of Daoism. The use of written documents is unique to Daoist ritual and is one feature that distinguishes it from Buddhist, Confucian, and popular rites. It is essential in defining Daoist ritual as Daoist and thus carries an important weight in the formation of Daoist identity.
Rites in general serve to restore and reinforce identity by allowing commitment and belief to be strengthened through repetitive and securely predictable actions. A clearly structured and systematic interaction with the otherworld in this context serves to create a sense of belonging and meaning for the Daoist follower. Written documents, both through their high formality and legal jargon as well as through the various rites, divine personages, and priestly empowerment associated with them, function to establish a formalized system of universal order. The predefined ritual pattern of interacting with a hierarchically structured and bureaucratically organized otherworld grants Daoists a sense of control over their destiny and a firm position in the larger universe.
Written documents are central to this self-definition of Daoists as members of the celestial organization, serving as the main means by which they communicate with the otherworldly powers and as the key to understanding the role of the ritual Daoist master as acting celestial official.
By presenting written documents in a ritual context, Daoists convey their wishes, intentions, and even orders to the otherworld. As there are multiple situations in which divine intervention is desirable, 256
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Daoists have developed a large repertoire of different forms and formats of written documents. There are, for example, the announcement ( biao), the memorial ( shu), the mandate ( die), the invitation ( tie), the accusation ( zhuang), the talisman order ( fuming; also “symbol order”), the petition ( zhang), and the placard ( bang; see Lagerwey 1987). Each of them is uniquely used in certain specific contexts to convey particular content to deities of specific positions.
Written ritual materials of these various types are summarily referred to as “ritual documents” ( wenjian). They are indispensible for any successful ritual performed by a Daoist of High Merit (Gaogong daoshi) and are collected variously. For our purposes, I would like to focus particularly on documents used in rituals of merit as they are performed by Daoists of southern Taiwan, beginning first with a description of the materials, then looking at their historical antecedents in and/or relationship with ritual manuals of the Song and Yuan dynasties that have come down to us in the Ming Daoist canon. Certain key issues emerge from the study of these different collections. They include the problem of standardization, the questions of historical continuity, and the varying views of the otherworld and differing rituals among local lineages. Although the Daoist sense of identity and order in all cases depends on the formal, written interaction with the deities, it is far from standardized and allows for variations both in location and over time. Examining these variations gives us further insight into the developments and tendencies Daoist identity has undergone in the past several centuries and where it is headed today.
Previous Research and Available Sources
The study of the use and function of memorials and other documents in Daoist ritual is highly specialized; therefore, only few previous works have been published on the subject. Most important are Kristofer Schipper’s studies of the Prayer for Peace Offering ( qi’an jiao) and the presentation of the memorial and the role of the immortals’ ledgers in it (1974; 1977). They are, however, only indirectly concerned with rituals of merit, which are my main focus. More pertinent are chapters 10 through 13 of John Lagerwey’s work (1987), which discuss liturgies undertaken on behalf of the dead and, therefore, also rituals of merit. Beginning with the placard that is posted at the site of the ritual, he explains the various documents involved in some detail.
Among Japanese studies, there is foremost the pioneering collection on Chinese ritual by Ofuchi Ninji (1983). Here the various doc-
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uments involved in rituals of merit are given detailed attention and thorough presentation (1983, 650–677). The purpose is primarily to make the documents accessible to the scholarly world, and thus the collection has ample reprints of original sources. True to its purpose, the work leaves the materials to speak for themselves or to be analyzed in the future and does not delve into their historical provenance or importance.
Beyond these specialist studies, there is the work of the Taiwanese folklorist Liu Zhiwan, who deals mainly with the Prayer for Peace Offering and the Wangye Offering (1983). However, Liu has, at least so far, not published any study that particularly treats the rituals of merit of southern Taiwan. Then there is the collection of the sacred texts used by the Xinzhu Daoist Master Zhuang, collected and edited by Michael Saso (1974). But this does not contain complete materials pertaining to rituals of merit. Most recently, there is the work by Lü Chuikuan (1994), but it too has nothing much to say about our topic.
My main focus lies in the written documents used in rituals of merit more so than in the Prayer for Peace Offering, and within that framework I am primarily concerned with the relationship of presently used materials to those transmitted in ritual manuals since the Song, notably those that deal with the tradition of Yellow Register Rites ( huanglu zhai). I find this study both relevant and highly accessible, given the present state of the sources.
As regards the sources, my own fieldwork has provided me with two sets of ritual texts used by the Daoist priest Du Yongchang. A resident of Yong’an village in Gaoxiong County, he is a representative of the Zhengyi tradition and regularly uses the materials he kindly made accessible to me. The first set of texts is a collection that the officiant keeps by his side for reference when he writes out the formal memorial for the ceremony. Entitled Gongde wenjian (Ritual Documents for Rites of Merit), this collection goes back to the arrangement by the Tainan Daoist Zeng Chunshou and consists of two volumes of fifty-nine and fifty-seven pages, respectively. Within the catalog published by Kristofer Schipper (1966), manuscript number 180 should be used in rituals of merit, especially in the context of unde
rworld rites, going back to the same tradition as this collection. I will, in the following, refer to it as the Zeng Collection.
The second set of texts I was fortunate to receive from Master Du contains the materials he actually used in a ritual of merit, which was held in December, 1992, at the Huang family residence in Zhongxiao Street of the Hamlet of Yong’an. It involved the tenfold liberation of
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the souls of the dead, celebrated on the second day of the Offering.
Giving in to my pleading, Master Du transcribed the documents he used in a separate volume, which I will here call the Du Collection. The two sets of materials form the backbone of my research.
Beyond that, there are the various ritual texts assembled in the collection by Ofuchi (1983). His materials go back to the well-known Tainan Daoist Chen Rongsheng, who uses them in the rites he celebrates. They are comparable in structure and content to the two sets I received from Master Du.
To compare the three sets of materials, I would like to point out their commonalities and differences, using the actual performance of the ritual as I observed it in Yong’an village as my basic standard of judgment. First, the texts collected by Ofuchi contain fifty-four items that are arranged according to the order of the ritual program, each of them explained. They include items necessary for all stages of the rite, such as the opening of the road to the netherworld, the presentation of the memorial, the preparation of the writ of pardon, the writ of pardon from the Pool of Blood, the setting up of the sacred altar, the delivery of the memorial, the ordering of the talisman lads, the provision of mandates at the audiences, the replenishing of the treasury, the sublimation of the souls, the recitation of the precious litanies, the offering of medicines, the announcement of the Ten Directions, the summoning of the underworld officers, and many more. The materials are presented in an accessible manner and can be easily used as comparative references. The announcement is named and described as consisting of four kinds of mandates and six rectangular envelopes, but its contents are not given; also, the talisman of the talisman order is not given in its original form; and the mandates used in the Division of Lamps ( fendeng ) and Rite of Universal Salvation ( pudu) are abbreviated because they are the same as used in the ritual of Offering. In some cases, texts that should be partially different are entirely identical, such as the mandate of money transfer for lost souls and to the treasury officers.