17 Van der Zee, p. 201.
18 Ibid., p. 202.
19 G. H. Hilton, ‘The Irish Fright of 1688: Real Violence and Imagined Massacre’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 55 (1982), pp. 148–53, at p. 149.
20 Op. cit.
21 Van der Zee, p. 203.
22 Hilton, p. 149.
23 Van der Zee, p. 209.
24 Op. cit.
25 Hilton p. 152.
26 T. Harris, ‘London Crowds and the Revolution of 1688’, in E. Cruickshanks (ed.), By Force or By Default? The Revolution of 1688–9 (Edinburgh, 1989), ch. 4; W. K. Sachse, ‘The Mob and the Revolution of 1688’, Journal of British Studies, 4 (1964), pp. 23–41.
27 T. Harris, ‘The People, the Law, and the Constitution in Scotland and England: A Comparative Approach to the Glorious Revolution’, Journal of British Studies, 38 (1999), pp. 28–58, 32–3.
28 A. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture (Oxford, 2001), pp. 381–2.
29 S. Pincus, ‘“To Protect English Liberties”: The English Nationalist Revolution of 1688–9’, in Protestantism and National Identity, eds. T. Claydon and J. McBride (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 81–2.
30 A Relation of the bloody massacre in Ireland (1689), p. 4.
31 A Full and True Account of the Inhumane and Bloudy Cruelties of the Papists to the Poor Protestants in Ireland in the Year 1641 (1689), p. 20.
32 Ibid., p. 24.
33 Ibid., p. 28.
34 Ibid., p. 1.
35 An Abstract of the Unnatural Rebellion and Barbarous Massacre of the Protestants in the Kingdom of Ireland in the Year 1641 (1689), p. 5.
36 Ibid., p. 3.
37 W. Lamont, ‘Richard Baxter, “Popery” and the origins of the English Civil War’, History, 87 (2002), pp. 336–52, p. 348.
38 M. Zook, ‘“The Bloody Assizes” Whig Martyrdom and Memory after the Glorious Revolution’, Albion, 27 (1995), pp. 373–96, at pp. 385–6.
39 Van der Zee, p. 204.
40 Memoirs of Sir John Reresby, pp. 540–1.
41 Van der Zee, p. 214.
42 Speck, James II, p. 80.
43 The Diary of John Evelyn, ed, E. S. de Beer (6 vols., Oxford, 1955), iv, 612.
44 Speck, James II, p. 81.
6 SELLING THE REVOLUTION
1 W. A. Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries; Englishmen and the Revolution of 1688 (Oxford, 1988), p. 96.
2 P. Monod, Jacobitism and the English People, 1688–1788 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 258.
3 A. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture (Oxford, 2001), p. 358.
4 I. K. Steele, ‘Communicating an English Revolution to the Colonies, 1688–1689’, Journal of British Studies, 24 (1985), pp. 333–57.
5 R. A. Beddard, ‘The Unexpected Whig Revolution of 1688’ in R. A. Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), pp. 27–39.
6 Interestingly, the appointment of a custos regni in the absence of the ruling monarch had previously been mooted in 1641 when Charles I left for Scotland, C.J., iii, 4 August 1641.
7 G. R. Elton, The Tudor Constitution (Cambridge, 1972, reprint), p. 2, describes this act as being ‘over-ingeniously explained’. In fact, its limited intention was to indemnify, retrospectively, acts of obedience to ‘kings for the time being’ (meaning Richard III) from later charges of treason. It did not effectively distinguish between de facto and de jure powers and, thanks to a sub-clause, did not free subjects of Henry VII from subsequently giving their loyalty to a Perkin Warbeck or Lambert Simnel. For the text of the act see pp. 4–5.
8 G. Burnet, A Pastoral Letter (1689), p. 21. These arguments were later suppressed by the Williamite government. In 1693 Edmund Bohun was condemned for licensing Charles Blount’s King William and Queen Mary Conquerors for publication.
9 Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries, pp. 92–4.
10 Lords Journals, vol. 14, 22 Jan 1689, pp. 101–3.
11 A Parliamentary History of the Glorious Revolution, ed. D. L. Jones (HMSO, 1988), p. 79. The Bishop of Oxford did read the prayers to the King, which caused consternation, particularly with the speaker of the House, the Earl of Halifax.
12 Ibid., p. 27. Despite objections the House did offer a vote of thanks to Sharp for his sermon.
13 Beddard, ‘The Unexpected Whig Revolution of 1688’, p. 91.
14 Danby’s notes in A Parliamentary History of the Glorious Revolution, ed. D. L. Jones (HMSO, 1988), p. 94.
15 Ibid., p. 239.
16 Beddard, ‘Unexpected Whig Revolution’, p. 78.
17 Ibid., p. 34.
18 Quoted in Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries, pp. 101–2.
19 T. P. Slaughter, ‘“Abdicate,” and “Contract” in the Glorious Revolution’, The Historical Journal 24 (1981), pp. 323–37.
20 For the various meanings, see OED. Disputes over the meaning of the term have led to a rather unnecessary controversy among historians, see T. P. Slaughter, pp. 323–37; John Miller, ‘The Glorious Revolution: ‘Contract’ and ‘Abdication’ Reconsidered’, The Historical Journal, 25 (1982), pp. 541–55; Slaughter’s reply, ‘“Abdicate” and “Contract” restored’, The Historical Journal, 28 (1985), pp. 399–403. It should be noted that Miller and Slaughter actually agree that abdicate was a term of some ambiguity.
21 Miller, ‘“Contract” and “Abdication” Reconsidered’, p. 552.
22 On this idea of the inversion of gender stereotyping as a metaphor for disorder see, N. Z. Davis, ‘Women on Top’, in her Society and Culture in Early Modern France (London, 1975), Chap. 5.
23 T. B. Macaulay, The History of England from the Accession of James II, ed. C. H. Firth (London, 1913–15), vol. III, p. 1287. The spokesman was wrongly identified by Dartmouth as Fagel but he had died in Holland over a month earlier.
24 L. G. Schwoerer, ‘Press and Parliament in the Revolution of 1689’, The Historical Journal, 20 no. 3 (1977), pp. 545–67, 551–2.
25 A Parliamentary History, p. 82.
26 Ibid., pp. 125–6.
27 Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries, pp. 105–7.
28 J. Israel (ed.), The Anglo-Dutch Moment (Cambridge, 1991). p. 134; Beddard, ‘The Unexpected Whig Revolution of 1688’, p. 85.
29 Beddard, ‘The Unexpected Whig Revolution of 1688’, p. 85.
30 Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries, p. 108.
31 Beddard, ‘The Unexpected Whig Revolution of 1688’, p. 92.
32 J. C. Findon, ‘The Non-Jurors and the Church of England 1689–1716’ (Oxford University D.Phil thesis 1978), pp. 6–14; E. N. Williams, The Eighteenth Century Constitution 1688–1815 (Cambridge, 1960), pp. 29–30; H. Horwitz, Revolution Politicks: The Career of Daniel Finch, 2nd Earl of Nottingham, 1647–1730 (Cambridge, 1968), p. 82; idem, Parliament, Policy and Politics in the Reign of William III (Manchester, 1977), pp. 21–2, 24–5, 26.
33 Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries, p. 111.
34 A Parliamentary History, p. 147.
35 Ibid., p. 148.
36 The text of the Declaration can be found at http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/pathways/citizenship/rise_parliament/
making_history_rise.htm
37 Although it could equally be said that neither of these amendments has been very well observed.
38 Miller, ‘“Contract” and “Abdication” Reconsidered’, p. 546.
39 See A Parliamentary History, pp. 188–202.
40 M. Goldie, ‘The Revolution of 1689 and the Structure of Political Argument’, Bulletin of Research in the Humanities, lxxxiii (1980), pp. 473–564.
41 J. P. Kenyon, Revolution Principles (Cambridge, 1977), p. 21.
42 Findon, p. 44.
43 Melius Inquirendum, or a further modest and impartial enquiry into the lawfulness of taking the new oath of allegiance (1689), ‘That which (I suppose) I am to swear in taking this Oath.’
44 Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawl. D 1232 fo. 1.
45 R. Weil, Political Passions, Gender, the Family and Political Argument: 1680–1714 (Manchester, 1999), pp. 1–2.
46 �
��London in 1689–90 by the Rev. R. Kirk’, trans. D. Maclean, Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, n.s. VII (1937), p. 313.
47 A. McInnes, ‘The Revolution and the People’, in G. Holmes (ed.), Britain after the Glorious Revolution (Macmillan, 1969), ch. 3.
48 Quoted in ibid., p. 86.
49 On this see E. P. Thompson’s classic Whigs and Hunters (Pantheon, 1976).
50 McInnes, p. 91.
51 On this ‘news culture’ see A. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500–1800 (Oxford, 2001).
52 It was during the seventeenth century that the term ‘public house’ first became popular, reflecting a growing convergence between the style of premises of the inn, tavern and alehouse (formerly an ordinary dwelling house that also served home-brewed beer). Overall, drinking was becoming a more civilised affair. There was a trend towards more rooms and the addition of stables to aid travellers, with the development of ‘drinking booths’ to give customers more privacy. This process of gentrification was not in evidence everywhere. Fairs continued to be a peak time for old-fashioned shabby, uncivilised boozing. Ned Ward, author of The London Spy, on a visit to St James’s Fair soon after 1700, spoke of a ‘parcel of scandelous boozing kens where soldiers and their trulls were skipping and dancing to the most lamentable music performed upon a cracked fiddle by a blind fiddler’. Victuallers after the Restoration nonetheless tended to be older and wealthier than their Civil War predecessors. The proportion of alehouse keepers who were women had risen slightly since the Civil War, and many now appeared to be widows of alehouse keepers who had inherited the business rather than newcomers. Women accounted for 17 per cent of licensed victuallers in Oxford in 1708–9. This figure alone does not represent the true importance of women in the drink trade and their involvement was in fact a good deal greater. Often the licensee was only formally in charge. When Leonard Wheatcroft took over the licence of a house at Ashover in Derbyshire he wrote in his journal: ‘there did my wife begin to sell ale and so did continue for many years after’.
53 Occasionally spoken words were called ‘treasonable’ and the famous treason statute of 25 Edward III (1362) had drawn no distinction between speaking and writing. This statute was strengthened by Richard II and Henry VIII but their statutes were soon repealed. It was not until 1628 in Pine’s case that the common law definitely and finally decided that seditious words were not to be tried as high treason. They constituted thereafter a crime of misdemeanour, with penalties ranging from flogging and pillorying to imprisonment and fines. Cases were tried at Quarter Sessions, Assizes and King’s Bench, with transferral to a higher court, depending on how serious examining judges considered the crime to be and whether or not local juries were seen as politically trustworthy. On seditious words see B. Sharp, ‘Popular Political Opinions in England 1660–1685’, History of European Ideas, 10 (1989), pp. 13–29; Monod, Jacobitism, ch. 8. Unless otherwise indicated instances of seditious speech are taken from Monod’s work.
54 Norfolk Record Office, NCR 12 B (1), 1684–9.
55 County of Buckingham Calendar of the Sessions Records, Vol. 1 1678 to 1694, ed. W. H. Hardy (Aylesbury, 1933), pp. 364, 365, 368.
56 My discussion of the seventeenth-century alehouse is indebted to P. Clark, The English Alehouse: A Social History (London, 1983), ch. 9.
57 Records of the County of Wilts being extracts from the Quarter Sessions Great Rolls of the Seventeenth Century, ed. B. H. Cunnington (Devises, 1932), p. 276.
58 Ibid., p. 275.
59 Monod, p. 259.
60 Hannah Bromfield of Upton Warren in Worcestershire was indicted for calling King William ‘a sonne of a whore and if ever King James comes in Ile be one that shall help put down Justice Cheke’s house or sett fire on it, but Ile have it downe’. Worcestershire Record Office, Worcestershire Quarter Session 1/1/176 1695–8.
61 Some Tories, however, saw the temperate culture of the coffee-house as antithetical to their masculine, health-drinking lifestyle. One defender of alehouse culture proudly retold a recent visit to an alehouse ‘in Petty France, where after a bottle or two, I grew so strong, that I call’d for a convenient room, went upstairs had a fresh bottle, flung [the barmaid] on the bed, and gave her as good a meal’s meat as ever she ate since the prime of her understanding’. Such triumphs, the author said, could never be had in a coffee-house, ‘for that curs’d liquor disable the most valiant hector in the universe’. The Women’s Petition Against Coffee, Representing to Public Consideration the Grand Inconveniences Accruing to their Sex from the Excessive Use of the Drying and Enfeebling Liquor also complained that through drinking the black brew their husbands had become ‘as unfruitful as the deserts, from where that unhappy berry is said to be brought’.
62 The initial proclamation was followed ten days later by an amendment which stated that in return for a humble confession of their abuses and misdeeds, and provided the coffee-men took the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and entered into recognisances to the amount of £500, the Crown would allow coffee retailers to remain open until 24 June 1676. An additional proclamation ‘for the better discovery of Seditious Libellers’ dropped the cash demand of £500, with the government declaring that it would be waived if coffee-men would cooperate with them in barring entry to unsavoury individuals.
63 On coffee-houses in this period see S. Pincus, ‘“Coffee Politicians Does Create”: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture’, Journal of Modern History, 67 (1995), 807–35; J. Harris, ‘The Grecian Coffee House and Political Debate in London 1688–1714’, London Journal, 25 (2000), pp. 1–13; H. Berry, ‘An Early Coffee-House Periodical and its Readers: the Athenian Mercury, 1691–7’, London Journal, 25 (2000), pp. 14–33; A. Ellis, The Penny Universities: A History of the Coffee Houses (London, 1956); B. Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses (London, 1963).
64 See Schwoerer, ‘Press and Parliament in the Revolution of 1689’, pp. 549–50.
65 [J. Dunton], The Athenian Gazette or Casuistical Mercury resolving all the most nice and curious questions proposed by the ingenious, i (1691), no. 4, no. 10, no 21, no. 22.
7 THE REVOLUTION IN SCOTLAND AND IRELAND
1 W. A. Speck, James II (Basingstoke, 2002), p. 85.
2 D. Ogg, England in the Reigns of James II and William III (Oxford, 1969), p. 172.
3 Speck, James II, p. 86.
4 Charles II had been forced to take the Solemn League and Covenant at his coronation at Scone in 1650, as well as make a humiliating confession of his father’s sins, in order to win Scottish covenanter military support against the English republican regime.
5 A. I. MacInnes, ‘Repression and Conciliation: The Highland Dimension 1660–1688’, The Scottish Historical Review, LXV (1986), pp. 167–95, 167; I. B. Cowan, The Scottish Covenanters 1660–1688 (London, 1976).
6 Speck, James II, p. 78.
7 C.S.P.D., 1685, p. 337.
8 Speck, James II, p. 90.
9 Ogg, pp. 173–4.
10 Some Quakers, such as William Penn, were both involved in public life and, at times, in breach of the ‘peace principle’ established by George Fox for the movement in 1661.
11 Speck, James II, p. 90.
12 Ibid., p. 94.
13 Ibid., p. 95.
14 Ibid., p. 94.
15 Ibid., p. 96.
16 Sheridan and Clarendon did both have an axe to grind: Sheridan was dismissed from Tyrconnel’s service on trumped-up charges of corruption and Clarendon lost office directly as a result of Talbot’s machinations. However, positive portraits of the Earl are hard to come by. J. Miller, ‘The Earl of Tyrconnel and James II’s Irish Policy, 1685–1688’, The Historical Journal, 20 4 (1977), pp. 803–23, 805–6.
17 Speck, James II, p. 103.
18 Ibid., p. 104.
19 Ibid., p. 104.
20 Ibid., p. 106.
21 T. C. Barnard, The Kingdom of Ireland, 1641–1760 (Basingstoke, 2004), p. 37.
22 Speck, James II, p. 107.
> 23 J. Miller, ‘The Earl of Tyrconnel and James II’s Irish Policy, 1685–1688’, The Historical Journal, 20 (1977), p. 810.
24 Speck, James II, p. 108.
25 P. Le Fevre, ‘The Battle of Bantry Bay, 1 May 1689’, in special edition of Irish Sword, 18 (1990), ‘The War of the Kings, 1689–91’, p. 2.
26 The Journal of John Stevens Containing a Brief Account of the War in Ireland 1689–1691, ed. R. H. Murray (Oxford, 1912), p. 63.
27 J. Michael Hill, ‘Killiecrankie and the Evolution of Highland Warfare’, War in History, 1 (1994), pp. 125–39, at p. 127.
28 Ibid., pp. 137–8.
29 Ibid., p. 136.
30 P. Hopkins, Glencoe and the End of the Highland War (Edinburgh, 1986), p. 188.
31 Rosen was, in fact, doing no more than following accepted European rules of war in the conduct of a siege. Defenders who refused offers to surrender peacefully were at the mercy of the besieging force once a town had been subdued.
32 R. Doherty, The Williamite War in Ireland 1688–91 (Dublin, 1998), p. 58.
33 Ibid., p. 69.
34 Quoted in D. and H. Murtagh, ‘Irish Jacobite Army, 1689–91’ in Irish Sword, 18 (1990), p. 38.
35 S. Mulloy, ‘French eye-witnesses of the Boyne’, Irish Sword, 15 no. 59 (1982), pp. 105–13, at p. 107.
36 Ibid., p. 108.
37 Doherty, p. 124.
38 Op. cit.
39 J. MacGuire, Kings in Conflict: The Revolutionary War in Ireland and its Aftermath, 1689–1750 (Belfast, 1990), p. 88.
40 Hopkins, p. 253.
41 Ibid., p. 310.
42 Ibid., p. 311.
43 Ibid., p. 328.
44 Ibid., p. 332.
45 Ibid., p. 335.
8 WILLIAM AND MARY
1 J. Hoppit, A Land of Liberty? England, 1689–1727 (Oxford, 2000), p. 132.
2 The Axminster Ecclesiastica 1660–1698, ed. K. W. H. Howard (Sheffield, 1976), p. 143.
3 T. Harris, Politics under the Later Stuarts: Party Conflict in a Divided Society 1660–1715 (London, 1993), p. 216.
The Glorious Revolution Page 35