We find welcome testimony regarding conditions in Bithynia in the tenth book of Pliny’s Letters. Immediately following Pliny’s entry into that province, A.D. 100 or 111, he reports (17A and B) that finances are in bad shape, that on various pretexts private individuals are in possession of public funds, that public grants have been made for illegal purposes, but that substantial sums may be recoverable from certain contractors at Prusa. Letter and Trajan’s reply concern a project to “repair an ancient and ruinous bath” at Prusa. A sequel is found in , in which Pliny proposes to abandon the original structure, once a private residence of some pretensions but now “a hideous ruin,” and to build afresh in a district now “exceedingly deformed.” More interesting still for our present purpose is , in which it is reported that Cocceianus Dio had been eager to have the Council of Prusa accept for the city “a public edifice which had been erected under his charge.” A certain Flavius Archippus, acting through his attorney Eumolpus, had demanded that Dio first render an account of expenditures, charging that the work had not been carried out according to specifications and adding that Dio had been guilty of a grave offence in setting up a statue of Trajan in the same edifice in which were buried Dio’s wife and son. Dio had been prompt in presenting to the proconsul the required statement and was urging a speedy hearing, but his opponents continued to create delays. We do not know the outcome of the squabble, but Trajan’s reply (82), while recommending an inspection of Dio’s accounts, as a matter of public interest, exhibits slight concern over the charges laid against him.
Thus we are led to infer that the popular support achieved by Or. 47 sustained Dio in the years that followed the completion of the colonnade and encouraged him to undertake with renewed zeal some of the projects associated with the ambitious program spoken of in Or. .-. It is equally clear that he still had to contend with the opposition of some of his fellow citizens.
[1] Πρῶτον μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὅταν ἀναστῶ, μὴ πάντως ἡγεῖσθε λόγων ἀκούσεσθαι θαυμαστῶν μηδὲ ἐπισήμων: λέγω δὲ οἷον πρὸς ἡδονήν τινα ἢ κάλλος ἢ σοφίαν εἰργασμένων. ἴσως μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ ἄλλως ἦμεν ἱκανοὶ πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον, ἀλλὰ τύχῃ τινὶ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰς πόλεις πάσας ἐξηπατήσαμεν: εἰ δ̓ οὖν, ἀλλὰ νῦν πολλὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ λήθην εἰκὸς ἡμῖν γεγονέναι τῶν τοιούτων λόγων. ὁποῖα γὰρ ἂν πράττῃ τις καὶ ἐν ὁποίοις ἂν ᾖ πράγμασιν, ἀνάγκη καὶ τοὺς λόγους εἶναι παραπλησίους. ἡμεῖς δὲ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον [p. 81]
The Forty-seventh Discourse: A Speech in the Public Assembly at Prusa
In the first place, my friends, do not by any means suppose when I rise to speak that you are about to hear a discourse that is extraordinary or remarkable; I mean, for example, one composed to produce a kind of pleasure or to exhibit beauty or wisdom. For possibly I should not in any event have been equal to that sort of thing, but it may be that by good luck I have deceived the public and all the cities; yet be that as it may, it stands to reason that now at all events I have experienced a great lack, indeed a complete forgetfulness, of that sort of eloquence. For a man’s words must needs be coloured by the nature of what he is doing and in which he is engrossed; and in my case I have long been engaged in petty and inglorious affairs.
[2] σμικρὰ καὶ ἄδοξα πράττομεν: καὶ τοῦτο ἴσως ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν. ὡς ἐγὼ πρότερον μὲν ἐθαύμαζον τῶν φιλοσόφων τοὺς καταλιπόντας μὲν τὰς αὑτῶν πατρίδας οὐδενὸς ἀναγκάζοντος, παῤ ἄλλοις δὲ ζῆν ἑλομένους, καὶ ταῦτα ἀποφαινομένους αὐτοὺς ὅτι δεῖ τὴν πατρίδα τιμᾶν καὶ περὶ πλείστου ποιεῖσθαι καὶ ὅτι πράττειν τὰ κοινὰ καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ κατὰ φύσιν ἐστίν. λέγω δὲ τὸν Ζήνωνα, τὸν Χρύσιππον, τὸν Κλεάνθην, ὧν οὐδεὶς οἴκοι
[2] Now perhaps this experience of mine is a matter of necessity, for previously I used to be surprised at those philosophers who abandoned their own countries under no compulsion and chose to dwell among other peoples, and what is more, despite their own claim that a man should honour his fatherland and regard it as of supreme importance, and that activity in public affairs and playing one’s part as a citizen is the natural duty of a human being. I am referring to Zeno, Chrysippus, and Cleanthes, not one of whom stayed at home, despite these brave words. Did they not, then, mean what they said? They above all others did, to my way of thinking.
[3] ἔμεινε ταῦτα λέγοντων. οὐκ ἄρα ἐφρόνουν ἃ ἔλεγον; πάντων μάλιστα, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ καλὸν μὲν ἡγοῦντο καὶ τῷ ὄντι μακάριον καὶ πρέπον ἀνδράσι σοφοῖς τὸ πρᾶγμα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πόλεως ἐπιμέλειαν: τὰς δὲ ἐνούσας δυσκολίας καὶ τὰς χαλεπότητας ὑφεωρῶντο καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄγνοιαν, τῶν δὲ φθόνον, τῶν δὲ ἀγνωμοσύνην, εἰ μή τις σοφὸς ὢν ἅμα δύναιτο τὴν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ἔχειν
[3] Why, they regarded concern for a man’s own city as a noble and truly blessed and appropriate function for men of wisdom; on the other hand, they used to view with distrust the difficulties and vexations it involved — not only ignorance on the part of some, but malice on the part of others, and sheer heedlessness on the part of still others — unless a man of wisdom could at the same time possess the strength and power of a Heracles; however, they considered this impossible.
[4] ἰσχὺν καὶ δύναμιν: τοῦτο δὲ ἀδύνατον ἡγοῦντο. καίτοι τὸν Ἡρακλέα αὐτὸν ἀκούομεν τῆς μὲν Αἰγύπτου κρατῆσαι καὶ τῆς Λιβύης, ἔτι δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον οἰκούντων καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Σκυθῶν, καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἑλεῖν μικρῷ στόλῳ παραβαλόντα καὶ πάντων ἄρξαντα τῶν ἐθνῶν τούτων καὶ καταστῆσαι βασιλέα αὑτόν: ὁπότε δὲ εἰς Ἄργος ἀφίκοιτο, τὴν Αὐγέου κόπρον μεταφέρειν ἢ τοὺς ὄφεις θηρᾶν ἢ τὰς ὄρνιθας διώκειν, ἵνα μὴ ἐνοχλῶσι τοὺς ἐν Στυμφάλῳ γεωργούς, ἢ ἄλλα τοιαῦτα ποιεῖν φαῦλα καὶ ταπεινὰ προσταττόμενον: τελευταῖον δὲ εἰς ᾄδου φασὶ πεμφθῆναι αὐτόν: οὕτω σφόδρα ἐπιεικῶς αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν πολίτην. τοὺς δὲ Ἀργείους καὶ Θηβαίους ἐπαινεῖν μὲν καὶ ἀγαπᾶν τὸν Ἡρακλέα, περιορᾶν
[4] And yet we hear of Heracles himself that, though he made himself master of Egypt and Libya, and also of the people who dwelt about the Euxine Sea, both Thracians and Scythians, and though he captured Ilium, having crossed over with a small army, and though, after gaining control over all these peoples, he actually set himself up as king; still when he arrived in Argos he busied himself with removing the dung from the stables of Augeas or hunting serpents or chasing birds, to keep them from troubling the farmers in Stymphalus, or with performing other such menial and humble tasks at the bidding of another; and finally, they say, he was sent to Hades, with such exceeding fairness did his fellow townsman treat him! But we hear that, though the Argives and Thebans praised and admired Heracles, still they shut their eyes to his mistreatment.
[5] δὲ ὑβριζόμενον. ἅ μοι δοκε�
� διανοηθεὶς Ὅμηρος, οὐ μόνον ποιητὴς ἀγαθὸς ὤν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ φιλόσοφος, τὸν ἅπαντα ἀποδημεῖν χρόνον, ὥστε μηδένα γνῶναι τὴν πατρίδα αὐτοῦ, καὶ μᾶλλον, ὡς ἔοικεν, αἱρεῖσθαι πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι δραχμὰς προσαιτῶν λαμβάνειν, καὶ ταῦτα ὡς μαινόμενος, ἢ οἴκοι διάγειν. τοιγαροῦν ἅπαντες ὕστερον ἠμφεσβήτησαν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐκείνου ὄνομα παρὰ πᾶσιν Ἕλλησι καὶ βαρβάροις γιγνώσκεται, τὴν δὲ Ἴον οὐδὲ ἀκηκόασιν οἱ πολλοὶ σχεδόν, εἴπερ ἦν Ἰήτης, καὶ τῆς Χίου [p. 82] τῆς πόλεως οὐ πολύς ἐστι λόγος οὐδὲ Κολοφῶνος: καίτοι ποιητὴν οὐ χείρονα Ὁμήρου παρέχεται τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα. Πυθαγόρας δὲ ἐκ Σάμου μὲν ἔφυγεν ἑκὼν τυραννουμένης, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις, μάλιστα δὲ οἶμαι περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν
[5] It was the thought of this, it seems to me, which made Homer, who was not only a fine poet but also in his way a philosopher, spend all his time abroad — so much so that no one could determine his country — and prefer to get twenty-five drachmas by begging, and that too in the rôle of a madman, rather than live at home. And so it was that in later days all men claimed him as their countryman. Again, while Homer’s name is well known among all Greeks and barbarians, most men, it is safe to day, have not even heard of Ios — if he really was born there — and there is not much talk of Chios or of Colophon either; and yet Colophon can show a poet not inferior to Homer, namely Apollo. Again, Pythagoras of his own volition fled from Samos when it was under the tyrant, and yet among all other peoples, and especially, I believe, about the shores of Italy, he was honoured as a god.
[6] ἐτιμᾶτο ὡς θεός. τί οὖν; πάλαι τις ἤδη κάθηται λέγων, σὺ πρὸς Ὅμηρον καὶ Πυθαγόραν καὶ Ζήνωνα παραβάλλεις αὑτόν; Μὰ Δἴ οὐκ ἔγωγε, πλὴν ὅτι πᾶσι τοῖς φιλοσόφοις ἔδοξε χαλεπὸς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι ὁ βίος. ἐπεὶ τί οἴεσθε; οὐχὶ φιλεῖν τὰς πατρίδας; ἀλλὰ τὸν Ὅμηρον ὑπὲρ μὲν Ὀδυσσέως ὀδύρεσθαι καὶ φάσκειν αὐτὸν ἐθέλειν τὸν καπνὸν ἰδόντα τὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἰθάκης παραχρῆμα ἀποθανεῖν, αὐτὸν δὲ μὴ στέργειν τὴν αὑτοῦ πόλιν, ἀλλ̓ οὐ τὸν οἰκεῖον ἔρωτα καὶ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ὁμολογεῖν, ἣν εἶχε τῆς πατρίδος, ἐπ̓
[6] “What of it,” some one in this audience has been saying long since, “are you comparing yourself with Homer and Pythagoras and Zeno?” Nay, by Heaven, not I, except that it was the opinion of all the philosophers that life in their own native land was hard. For what think you? That they did not love their home-lands, but that Homer, while he lamented over Odysseus and declared that Odysseus was willing to die forthwith if only he could see the smoke rising from Ithaca, did not himself cherish his own city, but, on the contrary, that he was not confessing under the name of Odysseus his own love and longing for his native heath?
[7] ὀνόματι τοῦ Ὀδυσσέως; ὃς δὲ πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἔμεινεν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι, πράττων ὅ,τι δοκοίη τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τοῖς νόμοις, εἰ μέν τι μέγα ὤνησε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν: τὴν δὲ βλάβην ἐπίσταμαι τὴν γενομένην αὐτοῖς. ἔτι γὰρ νῦν ὀνειδίζονται περὶ Σωκράτους, ὡς οὔτε δικαίως οὔτε ὁσίως τῷ ἀνδρὶ προσενεχθέντες, καὶ πάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν ὕστερον γενομένων κακῶν ταύτην φασὶ συμβῆναι τὴν αἰτίαν.
[7] On the other hand, while I cannot say whether the man who always remained in his father land, doing whatever seemed best to his fellow citizens and the laws, benefited the Athenians to any great extent, I do know the loss which they sustained in his death. For even now they still are reproached concerning Socrates for not having behaved toward him either justly or piously, and it is said that this conduct of theirs occasioned all the evils which befell them later.
[8] ταῦτα μὲν ἀκηκόατε ἄλλως παρὰ ἀνθρώπου πλάνητος καὶ ἀδολέσχου. ὃ δ̓ οὖν ἔφην, παραιτοῦμαι ὑμᾶς μηδένα ἀπαιτεῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι παῤ ἐμοῦ λόγον μεγαλόφρονα καὶ σοφόν, ἀλλ̓ ἰδιωτικὸν καὶ φαῦλον, ὁποῖα καὶ τὰ πράγματά ἐστιν. εὖ δ̓ ἴστε, ὥσπερ προειλόμην σιγᾶν, ἀφ̓ οὗ νῦν ἧκον, οὐκ ἂν ἐφθεγξάμην, εἰ μή τι ἀναγκαῖον συμβεβήκει. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἡψάμην πράγματος, ὅ μοι πολλῶν τῷ ὄντι πραγμάτων αἴτιον γέγονε καὶ θαυμαστῆς ἀηδίας. ὥστε πρότερον μὲν οὐκ ᾔδειν τὸ τῶν Θετταλῶν τί ποτέ ἐστι τὸ ἐφ̓ αὑτὰς τὴν σελήνην κατάγειν, νῦν δὲ ἐπιμελῶς ἔγνωκα.
[8] Now this is merely idle talk which you have heard from a “vagabond” and a “chatterbox.” But as I was saying, I beg you not to expect from me at present any high-minded, sage address, but rather one which is amateurish and commonplace, just as are the matters of which it treats. But let me assure you, just as from the moment of my arrival this time I had purposed to maintain a discreet silence, I should not have said a single word had not something urgent taken place. For I have taken in hand a problem which has caused me many real problems and amazing unpleasantness. Consequently, although formerly I did not understand what in the world was meant by the saying that the Thessalian witches draw down to themselves the moon, now I have come to understand it fairly well.
[9] καὶ τὸν Ἀριστοτέλην ἐνίοτε ἐμακάριζον, ὅστις Σταγειρίτης ὤν ῾τὰ δὲ Στάγειρα κώμη τῆς Ὀλυνθίας ἦν̓ ἁλούσης δὲ Ὀλύνθου συγγενόμενος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ καὶ Φιλίππῳ διεπράξατο οἰκισθῆναι πάλιν τὸ χωρίον, καὶ μόνον αὐτὸν ἔφασκον εὐτυχῆσαι τὴν εὐτυχίαν ταύτην, [p. 83] ὥστε τῆς πατρίδος οἰκιστὴν γενέσθαι. μεταξὺ δὲ πρῴην ἐνέτυχον ἐπιστολῇ τινι, ἐν ᾗ ἐστι μετανοῶν καὶ ὀδυρόμενος καὶ λέγων ὅτι τούτων τινὲς καὶ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἀφικνουμένους σατράπας διαφθείρουσιν, ὥστε μηδὲν ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι μηδὲ ὅλως
[9] And I used to envy Aristotle at times because, being a native of Stageira — Stageira was a village in the territory of Olynthus — and having become the teacher of Alexander and an acquaintance of Philip’s after the capture of Olynthus, he brought it about that Stageira was resettled, and they used to say that he alone had had the good fortune to become founder of his fatherland. But meanwhile, quite recently, I came upon a letter in which he exhibits a change of heart and laments, saying that some of these settlers are trying to corrupt, not only the king, but also the satraps who came there, so as to thwart any good outcome and to prevent entirely the resettlement of the city.
[10] κατοικισθῆναι τὴν πόλιν. ὅπου δὲ τὸ κατοικισθῆναι τοῖς ἐκπεσοῦσι καὶ τοῦτο ἐλύπει τινάς, εἰ φυγάδες ὄντες καὶ ἀπόλιδες
πατρίδα ἕξουσι καὶ πολιτεύσονται κατὰ νόμους ἐν ἐλευθερίᾳ, μᾶλλον δ̓ ᾑροῦντο διῳκίσθαι κατὰ κώμας τοῖς βαρβάροις ὁμοίως ἢ σχῆμα πόλεως καὶ ὄνομα ἔχειν: ἦπου προσήκει θαυμάζειν καὶ εἰ ἄλλο τι λυπεῖ τινας; ὃ δ̓ οὖν Ἀριστοτέλης ἐπιστέλλων γέγραφεν ὡς τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀπειρηκώς: φησὶ γὰρ αἴρειν τοὺς δακτύλους:
[10] But when some persons, exiles and homeless as they were, were actually annoyed by the prospect of having a fatherland and enjoying constitutional government in independence, but preferred to be scattered in villages like barbarians rather than to have the form and name of a city, would it be proper, I ask you, to feel surprise no matter what else annoys certain persons? Accordingly, just as Aristotle has written in his letter as one who has become sick and tired of his troubles — for he says he is holding up his fingers — you may consider that I too am holding up my own fingers, as well as any other fingers there are.
[11] τοὺς Ἰδαίους κἀμὲ νομίζετε καὶ εἴ τινές εἰσιν ἕτεροι. καὶ γὰρ δὴ πλεῖον ἴσχυσεν ἡ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐκείνων κακοδαιμονία τῆς τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους σπουδῆς, ὥστε οὐκ εἴασαν προβῆναι τὸ κωμίον εἰς ἀξίωμα πόλεως, καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἀοίκητόν ἐστιν. ἀλλ̓ ὅπως μὴ καὶ τοῦτό μου διαβάλῃ τις, ὡς ἐγὼ Στάγειρα καὶ κώμην καλῶ τὴν πόλιν ταύτην: δύναμαι γὰρ ὀμόσας εἰπεῖν μηδεμίαν ἄλλην πόλιν ἐμοὶ κρείττω πεφηνέναι, κἂν εἰ μόνον εἶχε τὸ χαλκεῖον τὸ τοῦ δεῖνος, ὃ ἐγὼ κατέλυσα ὁ τὰς πόλεις πορθῶν καὶ τὰς νεκροπόλεις.
Delphi Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom Page 324