Frequently cited studies. For the reasons explained in the Prologue, I have repeatedly cited studies of a sample of 39 traditional societies around the world, so that readers can gain a sense of how different aspects of a particular society fit together. I group together here some references for accounts of these societies, rather than providing references one by one under the chapter in which I first mention that particular society. The 39 societies include 10 from New Guinea and neighboring islands, 7 from Australia, 5 each from Eurasia and Africa and South America, and 7 from North America.
New Guinea. Dani: books by Johan Broekhuijse, Karl Heider, Robert Gardner, and Peter Matthiessen, with details given under the Further Readings for Chapter 3. Daribi: Roy Wagner, The Curse of Souw: Principles of Daribi Clan Definition and Alliance in New Guinea (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967) and Habu: The Innovation of Meaning in Daribi Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972). Enga: Polly Wiessner and Akii Tumu, Historical Vines: Enga Networks of Exchange, Ritual, and Warfare in Papua New Guinea (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1998); plus references in Johnson and Earle (2000: see above), especially to the books and papers of Mervyn Meggitt. Fayu: Sabine Kuegler, Dschungelkind (München: Droemer, 2005). My quotations from that book are drawn from that German edition; its slightly shortened English translation appeared as Sabine Kuegler, Child of the Jungle (New York: Warner Books, 2005). Two other books by Kuegler that discuss the Fayu are Sabine Kuegler, Ruf des Dschungels (München: Droemer, 2006) and Sabine Kuegler, Jägerin und Gejagte (München: Droemer, 2009). Fore: Ronald Berndt, Excess and Restraint: Social Control Among a New Guinea Mountain People (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962). Hinihon: Angella Meinerzag, Being Mande: Personhood, Land, and Naming System Among the Hinihon in the Adelbert Range/Papua New Guinea (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 2007). Kaulong: Jane Goodale (not to be confused with the primatologist Jane Goodall), To Sing with Pigs Is Human: the Concept of Person in Papua New Guinea (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1995). Mailu Island: Bronislaw Malinowski, Natives of Mailu (Adelaide: Royal Society of South Australia, 1915). Trobriand Islands: see bibliography by Johnson and Earle (2000, above). Tsembaga Maring: Roy Rappaport, Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1984); plus bibliography by Johnson and Earle (2000, above).
Australia. Ian Keen (2004, above) gives bibliographies for seven societies: the Ngarinyin of the Northwest, the Yolngu of Arnhem Land, the Sandbeach of Cape York, the Yuwaaliyaay of interior New South Wales, the Kunai of the southeast, the Pitjantjatjara of the Western Desert, and the Wiil and Minong of the Southwest.
Eurasia. Agta of the Philippines: Thomas Headland, Why Foragers Do Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito Hunter-Gatherer Group in the Philippines (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1986); John Early and Thomas Headland, Population Dynamics of a Philippine Rain Forest People: The San Ildefonso Agta (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998). Ainu of Japan: Hitoshi Watanabe, The Ainu Ecosystem: Environment and Group Structure (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1973). Andaman Islanders of the Bay of Bengal: A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1948); Lidio Cipriani, The Andaman Islanders (New York: Praeger, 1966). Kirghiz of Afghanistan and Nganasan of Siberia: see bibliography by Johnson and Earle (2000, above).
Africa. Hadza of Tanzania: Frank Marlowe, The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Kristen Hawkes, James O’Connell, and Nicholas Blurton Jones, “Hadza children’s foraging: juvenile dependency, social arrangements and mobility among hunter-gatherers,” Current Anthropology 36: 688–700 (1995), “Hadza women’s time allocation, offspring provisioning and the evolution of post-menopausal lifespans,” Current Anthropology 38: 551–577 (1997), and “Hunting and nuclear families: some lessons from the Hadza about men’s work,” Current Anthropology 42: 681–709 (2001). !Kung of southwestern Africa: Nancy Howell, Demography of the Dobe !Kung, 2nd ed. (New York: Aldine de Gruiter, 2000) and Life Histories of the !Kung: Food, Fatness, and Well-being over the Life-span (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Richard Lee, The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a Foraging Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Lorna Marshall, The !Kung of Nyae Nyae (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976); Marjorie Shostak, Nisa: The Life and Words of a !Kung Woman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, The Harmless People, rev. ed. (New York: Vintage Books, 1989). Nuer of the Sudan: E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer of the Sudan: A Description of the Modes of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940). Pygmies of Central Africa (consisting actually of at least 15 ethnolinguistic groups of African forest foragers): Colin Turnbull, The Forest People (New York: Touchstone, 1962), for the Mbuti group; Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza, ed., African Pygmies (Orlando: Academic Press, 1986); Barry Hewlett, Intimate Fathers: The Nature and Context of Aka Pygmy Paternal Infant Care (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991) and Bonnie Hewlett, Listen, Here Is a Story: Ethnographic Life Narratives from Aka and Ngandu Women of the Congo Basin (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), for the Aka group; and Barry Hewlett and Jason Fancher, “Central Africa hunter-gatherer research traditions,” in Vicki Cummings et al., eds., Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology and Anthropology of Hunter-Gatherers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, in press), for an annotated bibliography. Turkana of Kenya: see bibliography by Johnson and Earle (2000, above).
North America. Calusa of Florida: Randolph Widmer, The Evolution of the Calusa: A Nonagricultural Chiefdom on the Southwest Florida Coast (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1988). Chumash of the California mainland: Lynn Gamble, The Chumash World at European Contact: Power, Trade, and Feasting among Complex Hunter-Gatherers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008). Island Chumash of California: Douglas Kennett, The Island Chumash: Behavioral Ecology of a Maritime Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). Iñupiat of northwest Alaska: Ernest Burch Jr., The World System of the Iñupiaq Eskimos: Alliance and Conflict (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005). Alaska North Slope Inuit, Great Basin Shoshone, and Northwest Coast Indians: see bibliographies by Johnson and Earle (2000, above).
South America. Ache of Paraguay: Kim Hill and A. Magdalena Hurtado, Ache Life History: The Ecology and Demography of a Foraging People (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1996). Machiguenga of Peru: see bibliography by Johnson and Earle (2000, above). Piraha of Brazil: Daniel Everett, Don’t Sleep, There Are Snakes: Life and Language in the Amazonian Jungle (New York: Pantagon, 2008). Siriono of Bolivia: Allan Holmberg, Nomads of the Long Bow: The Siriono of Eastern Bolivia (Garden City, NY: Natural History Press, 1969). Yanomamo of Brazil and Venezuela: Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th ed. (New York: Wadsworth, 1997); and bibliography by Johnson and Earle (2000, above).
References applicable to the Prologue: At the Airport
Gavin Souter, New Guinea: The Last Unknown (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1964) provides a good account of the early exploration of New Guinea, in a book ending a dozen years before Papua New Guinea became independent. My online references for Chapter 1 give citations for books describing and illustrating first contacts between Australians and New Guinea Highlanders.
As for why Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic societies are WEIRD by the standards of more traditional societies over the rest of the world, Joseph Henrich, Steven Heine, and Ara Norenzayan explain the reasons briefly in “Most people are not WEIRD,” Nature 466: 29 (2010), and at more length in “The Weirdest people in the world?,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33: 61–135 (2010).
Chapter 14 of my book Guns, Germs, and Steel (New York: Norton, 1997) discusses the evolution of societies from bands to states according to the classification used in my present book, while Johnson and Earle (2000, cited above) discuss
those transitions in more detail and with a more finely divided classification of societies. Classic accounts of the classification of human societies include two books by Elman Service: Primitive Social Organization (New York: Random House, 1962) and Origins of the State and Civilization (New York: Norton, 1975).
Some classic books of anthropology that provide examples of the different approaches mentioned in my text to explain differences among human societies are as follows: John Bodley, The Power of Scale: A Global History Approach (London: Sharpe, 2003); Timothy Earle, Bronze Age Economics: The Beginnings of Political Economies (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002); Timothy Earle, ed., Chiefdoms: Power, Economy, and Ideology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Marvin Harris, Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture (New York: Random House, 1979); Marshall Sahlins, Culture and Practical Reason (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973); Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972); Marshall Sahlins, Stone Age Economics (Chicago: Aldine, 1972); Marvin Harris, The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A History of Theories of Culture (New York: Crowell, 1968); Claude Leví-Strauss, Structural Anthropology (New York: Doubleday, 1963); Julian Steward, Theory of Culture Change (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1955); Alfred Kroeber, The Nature of Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952).
Kim Hill et al., “Co-residence patterns in hunter-gatherer societies show unique human social structure,” Science 331: 1286–1289 (2011) analyze the patterns of who is actually related to whom in 32 present-day foraging bands.
The quotation on page 477, about the difficulties of interpreting field observations of modern traditional societies, comes from page 15 of Ian Keen’s 2004 book cited above.
Pioneering studies of methodologically rigorous oral history are two books by Jan Vansina: Oral Tradition: a Study in Historical Methodology (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965) and Oral Tradition as History (London: James Currey, 1985). For readers interested in exploring some fascinating aspects of societal variation that I do not discuss, thereby earning myself the gratitude of readers for reducing the length of this already long book, one suggestion is Richard Nisbett, The Geography of Thought: How Asians and Westerners Think Differently…and Why (New York: Free Press, 2003). On his page 43 Nisbett briefly discusses cognitive differences between hunter-gatherers, traditional farming peoples, and industrial peoples. Joseph Henrich et al., eds., Foundations of Human Sociality: Economic Experiments and Ethnographic Evidence from Fifteen Small-Scale Societies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) discuss differences among traditional and industrial societies in their sense of fairness, reciprocity, and pursuit of self-interest.
For a detailed case study illustrating the difficulties of transferring one society’s practices and lessons to another society, see Elizabeth Watson, Living Terraces in Ethiopia: Konso Landscape, Culture, and Development (Woodbridge, UK: James Currey, 2009).
Sources of knowledge about traditional societies
On pages 23–24 I briefly summarized our four sources of information, blurring into each other and each with its own advantages and disadvantages, about traditional societies. For readers (especially scholars) interested in learning more about these various sources, I now provide a more extended discussion.
The most obvious method, and the source of most of the information in this book, is to send trained social or biological scientists to visit or live among a traditional people, and to carry out a study focusing on some specific topic. The scientists variously identify themselves as practitioners of different disciplines, including anthropologists, biologists, economists, ethnographers, geneticists, historians, linguists, physicians, political scientists, psychologists, and sociologists. The authors publish their results as scientific articles or books, often frame their study at the outset in terms of some particular question or hypothesis to be tested, and often (especially nowadays) gather quantitative data to be presented in tables of numbers. As applied to traditional human societies, this is the scientific approach that has evolved over centuries as the best approach for obtaining reliable knowledge of the real world, whether it’s the world of human societies, or else the worlds of bacteria, molecules, rocks, or galaxies.
Two main types of difficulty have arisen in applying this approach to the study of traditional human societies. Naturally, these difficulties do not invalidate such studies; they merely need to be borne in mind in interpreting the conclusions, and they explain why we resort to other sources of information as well. The Australian anthropologist Ian Keen introduced his book on Aboriginal Australian societies by summarizing these difficulties as follows: “The main issues of interpretation arising from the work of professionally trained anthropologists are that they are late in colonial/post-colonial trajectories, and particular paradigms strongly shape (and limit) their interpretations. However, within their fields of interest these works tend to be the most thorough and systematic.”
Keen’s warning about studies late in colonial/post-colonial trajectories refers to a dilemma inherent in cultural anthropology, analogous to the Heisenberg Uncertainty Principle in physics. That principle states, in effect, that any physical measurement inevitably perturbs the system being studied and thereby introduces uncertainty into what the true value would have been if the system had not been perturbed. (Specifically in particle physics, the principle states that it’s impossible to measure simultaneously the exact values of both a particle’s position and its velocity.) To appreciate the corresponding dilemma in cultural anthropology, recall that modern anthropological studies of Aboriginal Australia began in the 20th century, and ethnographic accounts began in the 19th century before the rise of modern professional anthropology. However, Europeans had already landed in Australia in 1616 and founded their first settlement in 1788, while Macassans (Indonesian fishermen) had regularly been visiting northern Australia for many centuries before European arrival, and unidentified Austronesian people from Indonesia somehow introduced dogs (dingoes) and possibly other life forms and technologies into Australia several thousand years ago.
Modern studies of Aboriginal Australians have thus been of societies radically changed from their pre-European or pre-Macassan condition, because most of the population had already been killed by European-introduced and perhaps also Macassan-introduced diseases, conquered and subjected to the control of Euro-Australian state government, prevented from exercising traditional fire management (i.e., burning) of their landscape, driven off their prime lands targeted for European settlement, and deprived of part of their subsistence base by the impacts on native animals and plants of European-introduced cats, foxes, sheep, and cattle and Austronesian-introduced dingoes. Similarly, while the !Kung of the Kalahari Desert are often taken as models of hunter-gatherers, the detailed studies of the !Kung that began in the 1960s, and that I cite frequently in this book, have been of people who had already given up their traditional bone arrow-points for metal points, had stopped raiding each other, had recently been trading with and encroached on by Bantu herders, and must somehow have been influenced by other Bantu herders who reached southern Africa almost 2,000 years ago.
More generally, all 20th-century studies of hunter-gatherers have been of societies in actual or potential contact with food producers (farmers and/or herders). Until around 11,000 years ago, however, all human societies were hunter-gatherers, so that hunter-gatherers were in contact only with other hunter-gatherers. Only in a few parts of the world, such as Australia, the Arctic, and western North America, did even the first non-scientist Western explorers encounter hunter-gatherers still living in a world of hunter-gatherers. These facts have provoked heated arguments about the relevance of modern studies to past societies: are modern hunter-gatherers too different from past hunter-gatherers to have any relevance to understanding them? That view is surely too extreme: as anthropologist Melvin Konner has expressed it, if today one could
take a group of Westerners and dump them naked and without tools in isolation somewhere in the African savannah, within two generations either they would all be dead or else they would have independently re-invented many observed features of hunter-gatherer societies. But at minimum, one must recognize that modern traditional peoples are not frozen models of the distant past.
As for Ian Keen’s other warning, within any science at any particular time there are preferred research areas for systematic study and funding, and other areas that remain neglected. For instance, until recently few anthropologists carried out studies focusing specifically on childhood or old age among traditional peoples. Field observers are discouraged from going out on scientific “fishing trips” and recording everything that they notice; they are expected to produce books and articles on some specific subject. At a given time there are also certain interpretations and phenomena that tend to be preferred, and others that are considered unpalatable. For example, there has been vigorous controversy over whether or not the famous anthropologist Margaret Mead skewed her descriptions of Pacific Islander sexual behavior to fit preconceptions held by a then-current school of anthropology; and there are still strong views that traditional peoples aren’t warlike, or that if they are warlike it’s an artifact of European contact, or that if they really are warlike one shouldn’t describe their wars because it’s politically harmful to do so.
The World Until Yesterday: What Can We Learn From Traditional Societies? Page 58