As many Southerners noted, the Achilles heel of the Southern political movement was the issue of slavery. Therefore, this issue was politicized by the enemies of the South. This was done in order to rally support for any Northern issue that was opposed by the South. This politicization of the issue of slavery eventually led to the destruction of harmonious relations between the sections of the United States and, ultimately, war. In latter-day America, race, rather than slavery, has been used with much the same effect.
MYTH: Just as Vice President Alexander H. Stephens of the Confederacy stated, the Confederate States of America was founded on slavery.
REALITY: While speaking in Savannah, Georgia, in 1861, Stephens noted that the Republican party had elements within it that were advocating the philosophy of unconditional human equality. As shown, this was not a well-received doctrine in either the North or the South. Stephens made it clear that in the South the doctrine of abject human equality was not accepted at all. Stephens stated: "Our government [the Confederacy] is founded on exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid; its cornerstone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not the equal of the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition."8 Although this view of white supremacy is infrequently expressed in this age, it was a view that was agreed upon by the vast majority of Americans both North and South during the nineteenth century. As demonstrated in Chapter 6, even Abraham Lincoln expressed the view that the white race was and should remain the superior race in the United States. As pointed out, this philosophy not only served as the foundation for domestic slavery, it also served as the main support for the African slave trade, and the exclusionary laws passed by Northern states to keep freed African-Americans out of those states. If nineteenthcentury Southerners are to be condemned for holding this racial view, Northerners who held the same view must also be condemned.
MYTH: By preventing the movement of slaves into new United States territories, the North was attempting to limit the growth of slavery.
REALITY: While it is not doubtful that preventing the movement of slaves into the new territories would have limited the geography of slavery, it would not, however, have done anything to limit the number of slaves in the United States. Since the elimination of the African slave trade in 1808, the number of slaves could only have increased if the birth rate of slaves had been greater than their death rate. Therefore, the number of slaves would have remained the same regardless of how the slaves were diffused over the geography of the United States. With their strong prejudice of race, Northerners did not desire to have African-Americans in the territories that would become free states; they did not like slavery, and neither did they like African-Americans. Also, by keeping slavery and Southerners out of territories that were to become new states, Northerners could insure their control of the apparatus of the Federal government. As Lodge stated. influence of our part of the Union [the North] must be diminished by the acquisition of more weight at the other extremity [the South]."9
MYTH: Although the fugitive slave section is part of the United States Constitution, it was only placed there to appease Southern slaveholders.
REALITY: As explained in Chapter 2, the fugitive slave portion of the United States Constitution is but a copy of the very first such law ever passed by an American political body. That act was passed by the United Colonies of New England. It was enacted for the same reason the Fugitive Slave Act was placed into the United States Constitution. Without question, the Southern states had more to gain by the adoption of this portion of the Constitution; nevertheless, every state that acceded to the Federal Constitution recognized the right of the master in his slave property and thus needed this protection. After slavery was abolished in the North, only the South was served by this portion of the Constitution; but the South had just as much right to this constitutional protection as did the New England colonies when they first wrote the Fugitive Slave Act into law. No section of the country has a right to decide which portion of the Constitution it will or will not obey. If the North no longer wanted the fugitive slave portion to be in the Constitution, there was a constitutional method of removing it-the amendment process. If the North could not change the Constitution by legal methods, did that give it the right to do so by illegal methods? The fugitive slave section of the United States Constitution was a legal portion of the Constitution, written by representatives of both sections of the United States, and acceded to by each state. The North is just as responsible for the fugitive slave portion of the Constitution as the South. As Abraham Lincoln himself stated, "When they [Southerners] remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives.""0 The North wrote the Fugitive Slave Law, and Lincoln acknowledged it as legitimate; how could anyone believe that this was a "Southern" portion of the Constitution?
MYTH: The Confederate States Constitution demanded that every state within that confederation be a slave state.
REALITY: Nowhere in the Confederate Constitution can one find a mandate that every state of the Confederacy had to maintain slavery. The Confederate Constitution, being the very epitome of a State's Rights document, left domestic institutions completely in the hands of the people of the sovereign states. What the Confederate Constitution did do was mandate that the central government not interfere with the institutions within any Confederate state. The Confederate Constitution did, however, mandate the abolition of the African slave trade and allow Congress to legislate against the importation of any slaves from any state or territory of the United States.
CHAPTER 8
The Flag of Slavery
The, flags of the Confederacy represented the aspirations of a brave and resourceful people. . . . Their desire to live under a government based upon "the consent of the governed " should be
Devereaux D. Cannon
The Flags of the Confederacy
The myth of the Confederate flag as the "flag of slavery" is, without a doubt, the most persistent and pervasive misconception in modern America. Very seldom do the agents of modern information (i.e., the liberal media) present information about the nature of the Confederate flag in an even-handed and impartial manner. Since the time of the modern civil rights movement, the Confederate flag has been inextricably linked with the most vile and degraded elements within Southern society. For example, the misuse of the Confederate flag by hate groups is quickly picked up and broadcast in newspapers and on television. Yet, when respected members of the communityjoin with a historic organization such as the Sons of Confederate Veterans and correctly display and use the Confederate flag, the media will seldom report the appropriate use of the flag. For the average citizens, the impression they get from the media is that "only ignorant and evil people wave the Confederate flag." Is it any wonder then that people of color have difficulty in discriminating between real racists who are misusing the Confederate flag and Americans who wave the Confederate flag to express their love for their ancestors and to honor their country?
For a better understanding of the complete truth about the Confederate flag, two questions must be addressed: (1) Is the flag of the Confederate States of America the flag of slavery? and, (2) Is that flag the symbol of racism in America? Before exploring these questions, it will be necessary to give a brief overview of the use of flags in general during the nineteenth century, and also to look at what constitutes a true Confederate flag.
During the nineteenth century, flags were an essential element in the deployment of large military units. Flags were essential to unit placement, unit recognition, and unit cohesion upon the field of battle. When a battalion advanced in "line of battle," it was the regimental colors that provided the sure guide for that advancement. When the battle line was broken, it was the regimental flag that was the focal point for rallying the troops. These flags became the symbol of unit pride and, as more and more men died in defense o
f their flag, near adoration.
To some extent, the modern concept about flag etiquette can be traced to the use of flags in the past. For example, it is considered a disgrace to allow a state or national flag to touch the ground. This concept is related to how flags were used during battle. If, during an engagement, the color bearer was shot and his flag was dropped, the line of battle and unit cohesion would be in jeopardy, and thus the battle would be lost. Rather than allowing this tragedy to happen, a brave soldier would scoop the flag from his fallen comrade's hands and continue the advance while holding high the colors for his fellow soldiers to see and follow, thus becoming a prime target for the enemy in the process. It would be a great shame if in a large body of men there were no one who was willing to advance the colors. Today, we honor our state and nation by never allowing their flags to touch the ground, just as our forefathers did in the nineteenth century. For all armies, flags became honored emblems of valor and patriotism. At Appomattox it was not unusual to see battle-hardened men moved to tears as they stirrendered their regimental flags. Stories of men rushing up to kiss the furled flag and others standing in tattered uniforms displaying the marks of many a hard-fought battle, weeping like children at the death of a beloved pet-all because of the loss of their cherished flag. What was true at Appomattox is true with all American flags, state and national. When we offer respect to these flags, we are not honoring cloth and ink. Like those brave men at Appomattox, we honor those who were willing to give their lives for their country and the principles those nien held dear; this is why no trite American wishes to see any flag of this nation burned or otherwise disrespected.
When discussing the Confederate flag, people often make the mistake of referring to one of the battle flags of the Confederacy as "the Confederate flag." The Confederate flag and the Confederate battle flag are not one and the same. The Confederate flag is the official flag of the Confederate States of America. There were three officially accepted flags adopted by the Confederate Congress which may correctly be referred to as "the Confederate flag." The three flags are known as the First, Second, and Third National Flags of the Confederacy. The First is often called "the Stars and Bars." Looking somewhat like the famous Betsy Ross American flag, the Stars and Bars displayed seven stars (later increased to thirteen) in a circle in the canton (upper left corner) and two bars of red separated by a white bar extending the distance of the fly of the flag not covered by the canton. The traditional "Rebel" flag is often incorrectly labeled as the Stars and Bars. The Second National Flag of the Confederacy consisted of a white flag with the traditional Confederate battle flag in the canton. The canton is red with a blue St. Andrew's cross (resembling an "X") bordered by white stripes and displaying thirteen white stars. This flag was adopted on May 1, 1863, in time to be draped over the coffin of Gen. Stonewall Jackson as he lay in state at the Confederate capitol in Richmond. The Third National Flag of the Confederacy was adopted on March 4, 1865. Because the Second National Flag of the Confederacy was essentially white, in the absence of a breeze the flag often resembled a white flag of surrender. This defect was corrected by Congress with the addition of a wide red outer portion to the flag. Consisting of approximately one-half the distance from the outer edge of the canton to the end of the fly, this red section eliminated the confusion caused by the mostly white Second National Flag. Thus, the current flag of the Confederate States of America is a white flag with a red canton and blue St. Andrew's cross, emblazoned with thirteen white stars, and a red bar extending the width of the flag on the outer third of the fly.
The so-called Rebel flag or battle flag was never adopted by the Congress of the Confederate States but was adopted and extensively used by the military forces of the Confederacy. Although it is the most commonly recognized flag of the South, it did not represent the government or nation of the Confederate States of America. The most commonly recognized Confederate battle flag is a rectangular red battle flag with a blue St. Andrew's cross bordered by white strips and emblazoned with thirteen white stars. This flag was more often associated with troops of the Confederate Army of Tennessee and was also used by the Confederate States Navy as a naval jack. The same flag in a square form was more often associated with the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia. Even though these are the more commonly recognized battle flags of the Confederate armies, they are by no means the only or the most numerous types of Confederate battle flags. Many Confederate battle flags, although well known by Southern and Northern troops at the time, are hardly recognized today as being associated with the Southern struggle for independence. Flags such as the battle flags of Confederate generals William D. Hardee and Leonidas Polk of the Army of Tennessee are classic examples (see photographs in this book).
In today's politically correct environment, the flag of the Confederacy is viewed as a symbol of slavery, racism, and hate. These offenses are attributed to the Confederate flag by its detractors, not its defenders. Those who attempt to promote a positive and historically correct view of the Confederate flag are often confronted with the charge that they are "defending slavery." Obviously, if what has been presented in the preceding chapters is true, the charge that the Confederate flag is the flag of slavery is simply incorrect. But, let us look into this charge of being the flag of slavery. Is there a flag in American history that could be reasonably charged with being the flag of slavery?
As has been pointed out, when the thirteen original colonies declared their independence, a vigorous and healthy system of slavery and the slave trade existed within each new state; the Constitution of these United States recognized and protected the institution of slavery in the new nation, and the flag of these United States was used by slave traders to protect their nefarious commerce. According to John who studied and reported on the African slave trade in the late nineteenth century, the use of the United States flag to protect slave traders provided the means by which many slave ships were allowed to continue their voyages, even though "the hold [of each slave ship] was full of sweltering, suffocating slaves."`' It was not long before it became common knowledge among the slavers that the United States flag would protect their human cargo. In this regard Spears stated:
Finding that our [U.S.] flag protected the slave-ship under such circumstances, the slavers made haste to get under it. Within ten years after we had by statute declared the slaver a pirate the majority of the slave-ships were not only built, but they were sailed to the coast of Africa under the American flag.
There is no blacker chapter in the history of our country than that which tells how our flag became and was maintained for thirty odd years as the shield of the slaver, while those who thus degraded it-including members of every administration and Congress of the period-with loudmouthed pretence declared that they detested the trade.3
At the inception of both the United States and the Confederate States, slavery was a recognized legal institution. Furthermore, in 1776 the African slave trade was an important element in the North's commerce, whereas, in 1861 the Confederate States of America had unequivocally crushed that nefarious trade. With this fact in mind, how can anyone condemn the Confederate flag as being the flag of slavery while praising the United States flag as the flag of freedom? Having to yield the point that the Confederate flag is not the flag of slavery, many detractors of the South will denounce the Confederate flag as being a symbol of American racism.
The notion that all interracial relationships "down South" are based upon black/white confrontation is a cherished misconception of many in the North. This being the case in the minds of many, it only makes sense that the Confederate flag is a racist symbol. Yet, there is a flag in the United States that is a symbol of racism that is never condemned as the Confederate flag is condemned-the United States flag. As demonstrated, the United States flag is the flag of the African slave trader, and the nation it represents went to great efforts to protect both slave property and the slave trade. This alone would mark the United States flag as being just as much a
symbol of racism, if not more so, than the Confederate flag. But the racist attitude of the United States in its relations with Native Americans makes more plausible the assertion of racism against the United States flag than the Confederate flag. The story has been told in many different places by many different people: the Trail of Tears, Sandy Creek, and Wounded Knee. The fundamental relationship between the Native American people and the government of the United States is one based upon a racist philosophy. Many of those who are revered for their efforts in crushing the South are the very same people who led the effort to eliminate the Native Americans.
According to the liberal view of the Yankee invasion of the South, the North was fighting for freedom and equality in America. Yet, while Yankee troops were ravaging the South during the War for Southern Independence, in 1862 they were also engaged in a campaign of genocide against the American Indians. Union general John Pope gave expression to how the "Indian problem" was to be handled when he stated, "It is my purpose to utterly exterminate the Pope planned to make a "final settlement with all these Indians." His plan was to shoot and hang as many as possible and then remove the rest from the land.5 Here is how General Pope described the Native American population to his troops: "They are to be treated as maniacs or wild beasts, and by no means as people with whom treaties or compromise can be made."6 Abraham Lincoln's secretary of the navy, Gideon Wells, made it clear as to what was motivating the Federal government's campaign against the Native Americans when he stated that the Indians "have good land which white men want and mean to have."7 Imbued with the all too typical white supremacy dogma of the nineteenth century, the Lincoln administration had few if any qualms about destroying the culture and lives of the red man. The Native Americans were viewed as barbarians. Because of the Native Americans' non-materialistic values, the Federal government sought to overthrow their power and then remake the remaining native population into red copies of New Englanders. This is the same scheme that was attempted in the South after the defeat of the Southern armies.K The superior white class sought to impose its values and lifestyle to "change the disposition of the Indian to one more mercenary and ambitious to obtain riches, and teach him to value the position consequent upon the possession of Not only was the red man to be the recipient of this racist concept, but also the brown man was to be made subservient to this view. From Hawaii to the Philippines, the locally backed governments were overthrown and replaced with ones more to the liking of the "superior" people. Black Northerners, white Southerners, red Native Americans, and brown Hawaiians and Filipinos all had their local governments and culture destroyed by the all-powerful conquering Northerners-a people who were convinced of their moral and cultural superiority over Southerners, and their racial superiority over the black, red, and brown peoples of the world.
Myths of American Slavery Page 23