Stalin's Nemesis

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Stalin's Nemesis Page 41

by Michael James Melnyk


  8Ibid., pp. 91-92.

  9Heike states the Reserve Regiment had just received a large shipment of new uniforms. Ibid., p. 92.

  10Ibid.

  11In conjunction with this episode, in his memoir Heike states ‘The Division’s staff was immediately flooded with complaints originating mainly from the sector where companies from other divisions were constructing emplacements in the Váh Valley. Almost all their horse and carts had been seized.’ Ibid.

  12SNA Bratislava, f. 209, k 782. Všeobecná politická situačná správa za druhú polovica mesiaca januára 1945.

  13For example, county officials in Povazska Bystrica list 102 horses, 150 harnesses and 80 carts taken. Ibid.

  14Whilst some of the Galician Division’s soldiers are open to criticism for having failed on occasion to issue receipts for the commandeered animals and goods, the actual cash payment as reimbursement was the responsibility of Höfle.

  15One such individual who engaged in these activities was Waffen-Untersturmführer Nykola Smetaniuk. Verbally to author M. Scharko, 5 February 2000.

  16Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 92.

  17Ibid., p. 91. In his account Heike gives an approximate total marching distance of approximately 1,000 km however even allowing for taking an indirect route and deviations the author feels this estimate is still too high.

  18Q15: O. Sokolsky.

  19Some of the clothing was promptly ‘swapped with the population for food’. Q1: Dmytryk.

  20Verbally to author M. Scharko, 18 October 1997.

  21See SS-Führungshauptamt, Berlin-Wilmersdorft, den 26.1.45, Amt II Org.Abt.Ia/II Tgb.Nr 550/45 g.Kdos, Betr.: ‘Verlegung der 14.Waffen-Gren-Div.d.SS (ukrainische Nr.1)’. NA, T175 roll 140, frame 266422.

  22Verbally to author J. Wenger, 13 October 2014.

  23Keczun, Memoir, op cit.; pp. 21-22.

  24Kuk, The 5 ..., op cit.; p. 24.

  25He was later captured by the Soviets and spent 18 years at concentration camps in Siberia. After his release in 1963, he lived in Drohobych, Ukraine, and died there in 1988.

  26Letter to author W. Mykola, 4 July 2010.

  27Verbally to author J. Wenger, 13 October 2014.

  28Q15: O. Sokolsky.

  29A. Hawirko verbally to author, 19 May 1997.

  30Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 94, Hawrylak, Memoir, op cit.; p. 21. One veteran of the Division whose father had been a member of the Austro-Hungarian Army, successfully managed to enter the city on a borrowed bicycle. He explained his motives for doing so by stating that he wanted to see the centre of the Austro-Hungarian Empire for which his father had fought, at first hand. Interview M. Klymchuk, London, 29 April 1997.

  31Letter to author W. Mykula, 4 July 2010.

  32Letter to author W. Sirsky, 2 July 1997.

  33In a letter to the author dated 29 August 2000, a former member of the Jagdzug, II./WGR29, wrote: ‘On the way to Yugoslavia, we were billeted in a building, the ground floor of which was a warehouse and the top floor was our quarters for an overnight rest. I went downstairs to see what kind of warehouse it was. For security purposes two old ‘Volkssturm’ men had been assigned to guard it. When they discovered our presence they assumed that we would be providing security for the night and went home. To my surprise I found 300 kgs of butter in 12 barrels each weighting 25 kgs. I went upstairs and mentioned to the boys that there was some butter downstairs. The following morning I saw that some Germans were searching our boys but did not find anything. We had three small ammunition wagons with one horse, and some hay for feeding the horses. Nobody suspected that this was the hiding place for 25 kg barrels of butter’. Letter to author D. Lischynsky, 21 August 2000. Later, the butter was distributed amongst the soldiers who hid it in their gas mask containers. O. Sokolsky letter to author, 21 November 1992. In his memoirs Heike states that an investigation found no guilty parties within the Division and incorrectly concludes the theft was by the enemy or was a fabrication. Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; pp. 97-98.

  34Ibid., p. 95.

  35Hawrylak, Memoir, op cit.; pp. 21 -22.

  36Keczun, Memoir, op cit.; p. 22.

  37Letter to author R. Drazniowsky, 6 October 1997, and verbally 21 November 1997.

  38See message to: Luftgaukdo. VIENNA, From: 14. Waffen-Gren Div. SS ‘ukraine’ No. 1., HW 16/70, GPD 4034 No. 1 Traffic : 26.2.45, NA, PRO, Kew.

  39A secret message from SS-FHA, to the 14. Div. dated 3 March 1945, requests that the Division report when the last marching units were due to arrive at their final destination. See SS-FHA, Abt.II, i.a Weber to 14 Waffen-Grenadier div.d.SS ukrain. Nr. 1, über Kdo Marburg/Drau, HW/16/43 GPD 4088, Addendum III, 3 March 1945, NA, PRO, Kew.

  4014. Waffen-Grenadier-Div. to RFSS Feldkommandostelle and HSSPF Laibach [Ljubljana] 26 February 1945, HW/16/43 GPD 4034, NA, PRO, Kew.

  4114. Waffen-Grenadier Di. to RFSS Feldkommandostelle and HSSPF Laibach [Ljubljana] 27 February 1945, HW/16/43 GPD 4035, NA, PRO, Kew.

  42Bender/Taylor Uniforms …, Vol. 4, op cit.; p. 48. According to the same source, while this chart shows WGR 29 to have three battalions, both WGR 30 and 31 are shown as having only two. Heike, eng. ed. op cit.; p. 94.

  43Arhiv Republike Slovenije (ARS), SI AS 1931, Republiški sekretariat za notranje zadeve Socialistične republike Slovenije (RSNZ), box number: 826. Vodilni štab za borbo proti bandam v Ljubljani II, Doc. number: 1075, Sonderbefehl 28 February 1945.

  44Letter to author R. Kolisnyk, 24 October 2014.

  45Kuk, The 5 ..., op cit.; p. 27.

  46In place of the Nazi Party in Styria was the Steirischer Heimatsbund headed by SA-Brigadeführer Dr Franz Steindl (until his death in March 1945) who was subordinated to Gauleiter Siegfried Uiberreither in Graz.

  47Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 99.

  48Letter to author R. Kolisnyk, 24 October 2014.

  49Hawrylak, Memoir, op cit.; p. 88.

  50Q15: Sokolsky.

  51Letter to author E. Shypailo, 5 August 1997.

  52Herasymowycz, The Formation …, op cit.; p. 2.

  53Verbally to author M. Scharko, 18 October 1997.

  54Within the first few days of deployment 1./I./WGR 30 had lost three soldiers in this way. Herasymowycz, The Formation …, op cit.; p. 3. During interviews, other veterans of the Division reported similar occurrences to the author. Interview M. Klymchuk, London, 28 November 1996.

  55It has not been possible to confirm which units these were but the most likely candidates are: 14.SS-Rgt (based in Velenje) or 28.SS-Pol.Rgt.

  56Companies in Oberhaag, Eibiswald, Arnfels, Leutschan.

  57The Divisional Field Hospital relocated to Celje. Sirsky, Visti Kombatanta, Nr.3, 1997, and ‘Memoirs of a Nurse’, Olha Wankewych, Visti Kombatanta, Nr.2, pp. 81-86, 1998.

  58In a letter to the author dated 7 December 1997, Philip Trotch a former Waffen-Untersturmführer who commanded a platoon of the 14./WGR 30, wrote; ‘At one time we caught a ‘Royalist’ woman partisan (from the army of General D. Mikhailovich). After an interrogation we let her go and offered to return her pistol which she refused to take back’.

  59See Sever Franta, Past na Menini planini: Kako smo prelisičili XIV. SS-divizijo Galizien na Menini planini. Celje: Fit Media, 3 ed. 2009, p. 5.

  60Ibid., pp. 37-38.

  61See Jože Marolt, Šercerjeva brigada na Štajerskem, Maribor: Založba Obzorja, 1993, pp. 323-338.

  62This was colloquial German name for the Pohorska/Zidanškova Brigade.

  63Hawrylak, Memoir, op cit.; pp. 23-26.

  64Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 101.

  65See Ferkuniak, Spomyny …, op cit.; p. 32.

  66Several veterans have confirmed receipt of similar orders by their respective units; Ivan Sadovey, (1 Co./Fusilier Battalion) letters to author, 27 February and 21 March 1999. A similar unequivocal directive which read: ‘unter dem Niveau stehende Elemente zu entfernen’ (‘remove sub-standard elements’), was received by the commander of WGR 30, SS-Obersturmbannführer Forstreuter, as confirmed by his former Ordonnanz
Offizier Waffen-Untersturmführer Myron Scharko who surreptitiously read the instruction. Verbally to author M. Scharko, 18 October 1997and letter to author 13 January 1998. In this instance, the instruction does not appear to have been implemented until later in the month.

  67Of this number over 50 men were from the III battalion. ‘Last days of the War in a Labour Battalion’ (Ostanni dni viyny u robochomu kureni), Visti Kombatanta, Nr.3, 1968, pp. 23-26.

  68Ibid. In his account Mr Senchyna states that whilst engaged in building work on 7 April 1945, they were attacked by Allied aircraft. Seventeen were killed (including one Ukrainian) and many wounded (six of which were Ukrainian). Later, about 100 of the Ukrainians were invited to volunteer for the Volkssturm (local defence units similar to the British Home Guard) having been promised new uniforms and better food. In mid April they were relocated to the area of Graz where they were accommodated in private houses.

  69Company accountant/pay clerk.

  70These are named as Czuczman, Kramar, Bulysh, Protz, Bocwinok, E. Zastavwnyi, Lewytzky, Sawaryn, Kalyniak, Zastrocky.

  71V. Veryha letter to author, 16 August 1997. In the same letter Veryha confirms that later some of these men were in the POW camp in Rimini.

  72Pidhayny recalled this was one of a number of ‘suspicious’ orders circulated by department VI of the Division’s staff at this time. He goes on to say that the regiment commander Forstreuter ordered him to deliver the group, without weapons and under guard to the Wehrmacht in Maribor. He gave him a sealed envelope and a platoon of soldiers. In Maribor the Wehrmacht officer read the letter and showed it to Pidhayny. It said that these were ‘unreliable Ukrainians’ and for disciplinary reasons they were not wanted in the Division. The officer explained that they would be used for digging fortifications and antitank trenches. Pidhayny complained and in so doing he incurred the wrath of his German superiors who arranged his transfer to the Reserve Regiment. However when Wildner heard about it, he requested that Pidhayny be transferred to his WGR 29 instead. See Bohdan Pidhayny, ‘End of the War and the Beginning of POW life’. Visti Kombatanta, # 1, 1979, pp. 63-65.

  73As part of the negotiations leading up to the establishment of a ‘Ukrainian National Army’ a number of possible variations were considered, one of which envisaged the establishment of a Ukrainian Directory headed by Shapovalov, similar to that which had existed from 1917/1919 under Symon Petliura. According to this proposal which was supported by both the Melnyk and Bandera factions of the OUN, all political rights of this temporary Ukrainian Government would be acknowledged by the Reichsgovernment. The ‘SS-Schützendivision Galizien’ would form the basis of a 100,000 strong Ukrainian National Army, which would comprise of three or four divisions. Its commander would be a Ukrainian while its Chief of Staff would be a German. See circular from Dr Witiska to the Heads of Departments III B, (Dr Ehlich) III B (Dr Buchardt) IV B, VI C (Dr Hengelhaupt), IIIB -Bo./Ot.–LN 1209, Pressburg, 2.Februar 1945. Betr.: ‘Angebliche bevorstehende Regelung der ukrainischen Frage’. SA.

  74Dallin, German …, op cit.; p. 646. Five days later the four Caucasian Committees and the Crimean Tartars also received similar declarations which accorded them recognition on behalf of the German Government.

  75SA.

  76The author has found no evidence to suggest that any other German agency actively supported Rosenberg’s declaration.

  77Shandruk made a conscious effort to select individuals who would provide regional representation as well as raise the committees’ prestige and increase its chance of success. As representative of western Ukraine Prof. Volodymyr Kubijovych was already well experienced in dealing with the Germans and had played a pivotal part in the formation of the Galician Division. He was put in charge of all civilian matters. Oleksander Semenenko, a well known lawyer from Kharkiv represented eastern Ukraine. Petro Tereshchenko was appointed to the post of secretary General. The post of Chairman of the Military Council of the UNC was given to General Omelianovych-Pavlenko a distinguished veteran of the Ukrainian Army from 1917–1921. Shandruk charged Pavlenko with the task of drafting the bylaws and an organisational chart of the Military Council. Col. A. Valiysky was appointed as Army Chief of Staff. Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; p. 233.

  78To legalise the UNC, following a conference held in Weimar 12–14 March 1945, attended by 13 representatives, for the sake of appearances Shandruks’ appointment was subsequently ratified by the UNR (Livytsky) who issued this order of appointment:

  Order.

  To the Army and Navy [sic] of the Ukrainian National Republic.

  No. 8. March 15, 1945.

  Re General Staff:

  Lieutenant-General of the General Staff Pavlo Shandruk is hereby appointed Commander of the Ukrainian National Army as of 15 March 1945. For further details as well as a complete list of signatories to the order see Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; pp. 235-237.

  79In the transitionary period immediately prior to obtaining recognition of the Committee, Shandruk’s German supporters managed to secure the use of the camp which became a collecting point for all those who wished to join the Ukrainian National Army. Shandruk entrusted the formation of the ‘2 Division’ which began on 22 February 1945 to Colonel Petro Diachenko. By the end of month the formation of a second company had been initiated and the units total strength soon reached 1,900 men. These men came from various backgrounds the majority being former POW’s, forced labourers, and those who had transferred from other units. On 28 March 1945, Shandruk visited the unit and formally initiated over the swearing in ceremony. On 3 April it transferred to Glatz (Koldzko) in Silesia. Here the formation of a third company was instituted and on 12 April the unit (which never reached more than regimental strength) transferred to the front in Silesia and engaged the Red Army in battle near the city of Bautzen on 15 April 1945. The brigade was then incorporated into the German Corps stationed at the front and given further battle assignments. After German capitulation the Brigade was trapped in the Soviet zone but two thirds managed to escape only to be promptly handed over to the Soviets by the Americans as they were from eastern Ukraine. The officer staff of the Brigade (2 Div. UNA) consisted of:

  Commander: Colonel Petro Diachenko

  Adjutant: Lieutenant Iurkiv

  1.Co: Captain Fursa

  2. Co: Lieutenant V. Hladych*

  3 Co: Lieutenant Staroviit.

  (* Shandruk claims that Hladych was Diachenko’s Chief of Staff). For details of the formation, organisation and subsequent activities of this unit see: Visti Kombatanta Nr.3-4, 1971, pp. 89-90 (2 letters to the editor from R. Krokhmaliuk and V. Hladych: Visti Kombatanta Nr.5, 1971, p. 73, letter of Orest Horodysky to the editor: 3. Tytarenko Petro, ‘Protypantsyrna brygada ‘Vil’na Ukraina’ in Visti (Munich) Nr.6-7, 1952, pp. 3-4: Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; p. 235. See also Ternystyi Shlakh 2-i Dyvizii UNA (The Thorny Road of the 2 Div. of the UNA), Ivan Burchak published by United Soldiers and Friends of the 2 Division of the UNA, New York, 1994, Clifton (Obeyednannia Voyakiv i Pryiateliv 2-i Dyvisii UNA).

  80One group of 77 volunteered from the Kriegsgefangenen Lager (POW camp) at Flossenberg. See HW 16/43 GPD 4037 Addendum I 28 Feb 1945, An den 14.Waffengren.div der SS Ukr Nr. 1, from SSFHA TO SS, signed SS-Ostubaf. Ladewig. NA, PRO, Kew.

  81One such example is Vitali Bender, a former Ukrainian Red Army prisoner of war, who volunteered for the ‘Ukrainian’ Division Galicia, believing (as did the rest of his group) that they were volunteering for service in a ‘purely Ukrainian unit’. Upon reaching the Division’s Reserve Regiment, most were shocked to discover that its Ukrainian soldiers were dressed in German uniforms, whereupon part of the group chose to return to the camp from which they had come. See ‘Dyvisia, hey, ridna maty’ (Division, You Dear Mother), Visti, Nr.45-46, 1954, p. 4. Bender himself remained with the Division until the end of the war.

  82Organised on 19 March 1943, near the village of Antonovets in the Kremianets area of Volhynia the unit was formed from a group of approximately two hundred men mai
nly from the Lutsk, Kremenets and Dubno regions to defend the local population against attacks from the Polish and Soviet partisans. As the consequence of a direct and violent confrontation between the ‘Legion’ and a group from the Bandera faction of the OUN-B in October 1943, the unit was disarmed only to be reformed shortly thereafter under the auspices of the Sicherheitdienst. During 1944 it absorbed ‘The Kholm Self Defence Detachment’ commanded by Yuri Lukashchuk, several east Ukrainians from ‘Schutzmannschaft 207’ and a few former officers of the Galician Division who had been discharged because of insufficient qualifications or because of their age. The legion had its own NCO school at Klay near Cracow and had a number of nurses who served as medical personnel. It was well equipped with several horses, radio equipment and a mixture of German and Soviet weaponry including a light infantry support gun, mortars and heavy machine guns. Its members wore standard pattern German uniforms with no distinguishing insignia. Interview Fedir Tsymbaliuk, 20 June 1999, Toronto, and Orest Horodysky: The Organisation ..., SA.

  83Oberst (Colonel) Woldymyr Herasimenko (‘Tur’) was the legion’s senior Ukrainian officer. From mid 1944, Oberst (Colonel) Petro Diachenko acted as assistant commander. Other prominent Ukrainian officers (some names are pseudonyms) included: 1 Lt Lytwyn, Capt Oksentijiw, Lts Roman Kyveluk, Charvckyj, Wowk, Kowal, ‘Trojan’, Nechaj, ‘Traktor’, Kaschuk, Cobchak, and Popobuz.

  84The Legion’s first commander was SS-Hauptsturmführer Siegfried Assmuss who had previously been attached to the SD in Lutsk whose ‘heroic death’ in an ambush by Polish partisans during the retreat before the Red Army south of Lublin, was described in a letter of condolences dated 14 November 1944, from the commander in Posen to his widow. AA. Assmuss was assisted by an SS-Unterscharführer named Rawlin who spoke fluent Russian and acted as interpreter.

  85Heinrich Biegelmeyer: Born; 21 July 1911, Parsberg near Regensberg. Party Nr.482 311, SS Nr.272 273. Promoted to SS-Sturmbannführer 30 January 1944. From July 1942–July 1943: SS-Hstuf. and Abteilungsleiter with Kds Lublin. From July 1943–April 1945: ‘Ukrainische Selbstschutzlegion Einsatzbatl. in Kracow mit der Führungsbeauftragt und überführt in die 14.Waffen Gren div (1 ukrainische) an der front’.

 

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