Encyclopedia of Latin American Popular Music

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Encyclopedia of Latin American Popular Music Page 22

by George Torres


  Cuban version, in the late 19th century made a wide impact throughout the Ameri-

  cas and Europe. Its name derives from contredanse, a French corruption of English

  country dance. A popular court genre in France in the 18th century, contredanse

  was taken by the Bourbons to Spain, where it acquired the name of contradanza,

  and then to the American colonies. In 1798 in Havana there were some 50 daily

  public balls, starting with a minuet and featuring several contradanzas. The con-

  tradanz a was danced by men and women facing each other in two opposite rows

  and led by a dance-leader. Meanwhile contredanse became popular in the French

  Caribbean, where it was danced as well by blacks.

  The 1791 slave rebellion in St. Domingue ( Haiti ) produced a massive migration

  of Europeans, who resettled with black and mulatto servants in New Orleans and

  in the Cuban eastern province of Santiago. Such migration reinforced the novelty

  of the contradanza and established its mass popularity in Cuba, but was not solely

  responsible for its introduction in Cuba.

  110 | Contradanza

  The early decades of the 19th century in Cuba saw the contradanza lose its stiff,

  aristocratic character and acquire new musical and choreographic traits. Musically,

  it presented two sections and had its most recognizable feature in the accompani-

  ment, with the presence of an ostinato (related to the cinquillo pattern common

  in Latin American music) that provided rhythmic drive and a steady syncopated

  foundation.

  contradanza accompanying ostinato

  cinquillo isorhythm

  Contradanza accompanying ostinato and a cinquillo isorhythm.

  (George Torres)

  Originally an instrumental style, the Cuban contradanza ( also known as danza

  or contradanza criolla) would later also become a vocal form, under the name

  of contradanza habanera or simply habanera . It existed in sophisticated and

  popular forms practiced by both the white elite and blacks, with variable instru-

  mental formats. In Havana, both bourgeois salons and poorer ballrooms provided

  work for pianists and composers of contradanza. In its salon version, the genre

  became a quintessential type of piano music incorporating European Romantic

  influences.

  The first published contradanza appeared in Cuba as a score for piano in 1803.

  Popular short contradanzas for piano, together with habaneras and danzones, were written by Manuel Saumell (1817–1870), the initiator of Cuban musical nationalism and a friend of American virtuoso and composer Louis Moreau Gottschalk

  (1829–1869), the champion of romantic Creole piano and himself the author of

  various contradanza. Contradanza were composed by other important Cuban au-

  thors such as Nicolás Ruíz Espadero (1832–1890), Ignacio Cervantes (1847–1905),

  and Ernesto Lecuona (1895–1963).

  The daring adoption of couple dancing and the fusion of Romantic harmony with

  African syncopation in the contradanza provided a symbol of emerging Cuban na-

  tionalism, and was attacked by reactionaries because of its scandalous black charac-

  ter. It is perhaps ironic that the lascivious African nature detected by contemporaries

  in the contradanza, and in related Cuban forms such as danzón today sound rather bland when compared to a genre such as the Cuban son , which eventually became

  the national musical symbol. As a dance, the contradanza provided the basic step

  subsequently found in other Cuban dances such as son, cha cha chá and salsa .

  During the mid-late 19th century, the instrumental contradanza and haba-

  nera spread throughout Latin America, playing a role in the genesis of seminal

  Coro | 111

  forms such as Argentinian milonga and tango , Brazilian maxixe , and Mexican and Puerto Rican danza. The contradanza reached the United States and Europe in the form of habaneras and eventually found its way into operas such

  as Georges Bizet’s Carmen and in the work of French and Spanish composers

  Camille Saint-Saëns, Emmanuel Chabrier, Claude Debussy, Maurice Ravel,

  Isaac Albéniz, and Manuel de Falla. Following the oft-quoted reference about

  the Spanish tinge by early jazz pianist Jelly Roll Morton, various writers have

  also convincingly argued that the Cuban contradanza, especially via the work

  of Gottschalk, has played an important role in the genesis of American ragtime

  and then jazz.

  Further Reading

  Carpentier, Alejo. Music in Cuba. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001

  [originally published as La música en Cuba. Habana, 1946].

  Fernández, Nohema. “La Contradanza Cubana y Manuel Saumell.” Latin American

  Music Review 10, no. 1 (June 1989), 116–34.

  Lapique, Zoila. “Aportes Franco-Haitianos a la contradanza cubana: mitos y realidades.”

  In Panorama de la música popular cubana, edited by R. Giro, 153–72. Havana: Letras

  Cubanas, 1995.

  Roberts, John Storm. Latin Jazz. The First of the Fusions, 1880s to Today. New York:

  Schirmer, 1999.

  Vincenzo Perna

  Coro

  Coro is both the Spanish and Portuguese word for chorus. Within the sphere of

  popular music it refers to two or more singers singing together, often in alternation

  with a soloist or another coro. The coro is especially popular in genres that have

  their origins in West African traditions of leader–group alternations, sometimes

  referred to as call and response. In such a fabric, the leader improvises verses

  while the coro sings a recurring response. The coro is a common feature in the

  Cuban son montuno and in the Brazilian samba . In the case of the son monutuno, the text sung by the coro provides a refrain that is in contrast to the preceding

  son section where the vocalist sings complete or extended verses, often function-

  ing as the narrative to the song. In this case, the coro provides a contrast of static

  action when compared to the verse’s more kinetic action. A coro was also used

  in the montuno sections to Latin jazz numbers, as in the Machito and Charlie

  Parker combination, “Mango Mangue.” In this example the coro alternates with

  Parker’s instrumental improvisations in the place where the lead singer would

  normally be improvising.

  112 | Corrido

  Further Reading

  Robbins, James. “The Cuban ‘Son’ as Form, Genre, and Symbol.” Latin American Music

  Review / Revista de Música Latinoamericana 11 (Autumn–Winter) 1990: 182–200.

  Rosa, José and Hector Neciosup. The History of Music From Cuba, The Caribbean,

  South America and the United States. World Music Survey. Casselberry, FL: Contempo-

  rary Latin Music Educators, 2008.

  George Torres

  Corrido

  The corrido is a narrative song or folk ballad accompanied by one or more guitars

  or, more recently, accordion -driven norteño groups or bandas (brass bands from Mexico ’ s northern Pacific coast). The corrido is a folk song type not primarily

  associated with dance, though people may dance to corridos when performed by

  dance bands, in polka, or waltz rhythm. The genre has evolved as a mestizo cul-

  tural form associated with the rise of a national consciousness especially during

  the early decades of the 20th century and in the context of border conflicts with

  the United States. Corridos handed down on leaflets are considered an import
ant

  source for the documentation of Mexico’s unofficial history. They comment not

  only on political events, national affairs, and natural disasters, but also on crimes,

  family feuds, horse races, romantic entanglements, immigration, and more recently

  drug trafficking.

  Historically, the corrido is a Mexican folk ballad that stems from the Spanish

  balada , a ballad tradition that flourished in Renaissance Spain. In its poetic forms

  and narrative subjects, the Mexican corrido is essentially true to its roots in Iberian

  narrative poetry, although there are some non-narrative examples, such as simple

  love songs or political commentaries that are also referred to as corridos. The term

  corrido itself is probably a shortening of the term romance corrido, a through-sung

  ballad. Its transformation into a distinct Mexican form occurred during Mexico’s

  struggle for independence in the early 1800s although the formative period in the

  rise of the corrido remains a matter of speculation—mainly because both the Span-

  ish ballad and the Mexican corrido were essentially oral traditions that only occa-

  sionally manifested themselves in print. Contradicting other corrido scholars who

  believe that the corrido emerged and evolved within Mexican territory, the Texan

  folklorist Américo Paredes posited the Texas-Mexican border as the birthplace

  of the ballad tradition itself. In fact, in the 1850s a number of corridos began to

  surface in south Texas. These early ballads depicted the cultural conflict between

  the encroaching Americans who took possession of the Mexican territory in 1848

  after the Mexican-American war and the Mexican farmers who had been living

  there since the early 1700s. The lyrics of these early corridos addressed the deeds

  Corrido

  |

  113

  of Texas-Mexican folk heroes. One of the best examples of the border corrido is

  “El Corrido de Gregorio Cortéz,” which narrates the bloody encounter between the

  Mexican farmer Cortéz and an American sheriff. Cortéz’s heroic actions became

  an important element in the emerging group consciousness of Texas-Mexicans.

  Because the corrido’s central function is to relate a story or event of local or

  national interest, corrido scholars focused mainly on the genre’s evolution and its

  importance as a social and literary document. The corrido is a song with a rather

  declamatory melody in either duple or triple time (polka or waltz rhythm). The

  melodic phrases are repeated for each stanza; occasionally, the corrido has a re-

  frain, which may be in a different rhythm. The melodies frequently have a range

  of less than an octave. The short range allows the corrido to be sung at the top

  of the singer’s voice, which is an essential part of the corrido style. There is a

  preference for the major key; the harmony is based on the tonic, dominant, and

  subdominant chords. Whereas in earlier times the corridista (balladeer) used to ac-

  company himself simply on guitar, singers are nowadays accompanied by norteño

  groups or full-size bandas . The corrido usually follows the literary structure of the copla , consisting of eight-syllable quatrains (or less frequently stanzas of six lines).

  Rhyme, meter, and strophe structure of the corrido are quite flexible and many

  compositions break away from the established patterns. This flexibility contributed

  in no small part to the genre’s popularity and survival.

  In oral tradition, folk tunes exist in an array of versions or variants. Yet, folk

  tunes are essentially combinations of prefabricated elementary forms such as

  scheme, motif, theme, and formula. The creation of new tunes is largely based on

  permutations of more or less readymade elements. The corridos ’ literary devices

  are: an opening statement of date and place; an introductory reference to the singing

  of the corrido; a reference to the singer, the audience, or the song; dramatic speech

  events; journeys; certain words, exclamations, proverbial expressions, metaphors,

  and allegories; a bird messenger; a farewell, and so forth.

  Although the corrido text is extremely detailed and abounds in dates and names,

  its purpose is not to convey news, as often believed. Rather, the corrido depends on

  a prior transmission of news. Its goal is to interpret, celebrate, and ultimately dignify

  events already thoroughly familiar to the corrido audience or community. In many

  ways, the corridos were the history book of the illiterate, providing an intriguing folk

  counterpoint to Mexico’s official history. In contrast to the emotional and bel canto

  style of ranchera (Mexican country song) singers, the corridista uses a deadpan language and performance style. Even the most melodramatic incidents are described

  in this matter-of-fact style. Although the language employed in corridos is mostly

  simple and direct, the meanings of the texts are difficult for outsiders to understand.

  Not only do they feature the everyday language of the local rancheros (farmers,

  country people) or, in the more recent corridos, the drug traffickers, they are also

  full of double entendres and allusions to local events, places, and individuals.

  114 | Corrido

  Corrido narratives are usually in third-person discourse (with commercial corridos

  related to the world of drug traffickers being an exception). Because Mexican ballads

  are commonly written by male authors, they display mostly masculine-oriented themes

  and a strongly patriarchal ideology. Like the epic romancero of 16th-century Spain,

  which depicted bold and reckless young men, the Mexican corrido extols the heroic

  deeds of male protagonists. Women usually play secondary roles in the narratives.

  Some corrido scholars limit the production of the true corrido to the period from

  1880 to 1930. According to the Mexican musicologist Vicente Mendoza, after that

  period, the corrido lost its authentic folk character, its freshness, and “spontaneity

  that emanated from the pen of mediocre writers,” and it became “cultured, artificial,

  and often false.” Thus, he concluded that everything points to the decadence and

  the near death of this genuine folk genre. Contemporary corrido scholars disagree

  with this view as many newly composed corridos still fit the classic heroic corrid o

  style, using the traditional corrido language, the typical speech event dialogues, a

  stylized vocabulary of preset formulas, and plenty of references to local men and

  places. Moreover, throughout northern Mexico and along the Pacific coast, the

  corrido remains a vital component of rural culture with an intimate connection to

  people’s daily lives. Here, like in earlier times, the primary medium for disseminat-

  ing corridos is live performance.

  The alleged demise of the corrido, in fact, has much to do with the changing

  process of transmission that began after the revolution and that turned a face-to-

  face transmitted folk genre into a product of popular culture. When the emerging

  recording industry began to take an interest in the corrido in the late 1920s, the long

  story ballads had to fit on the 78-rpm disk ( corridos often started on side A and con-

  tinued on side B). The massive commercial exploitation of the corrido reduced the

  narratives to the three-minute format of popular songs. However, with the spread

&n
bsp; of industrialization and urbanization, the recorded radio performance has become a

  major factor in keeping this musical tradition alive. In northern Mexico and along

  the Mexican-American border and the American Southwest, the long-story ballad

  tradition still goes strong, although, as some corrido scholars argue, not as much

  as a living tradition but as a preservation of the old repertory.

  Further Reading

  Herrera-Sobek, María. “The Theme of Drug Smuggling in the Mexican Corrido.” Re-

  vista Chicano-Riqueña 7, no. 4 (1979): 49–61.

  McDowell, John H. Poetry and Violence: The Ballad Tradition of Mexico’s Costa Chica.

  Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000.

  Mendoza, Vicente T. El Corrido Mexicano: Antología, Introducción y Notas. Mexico

  City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1954.

  Nicolopulos, James. “The Heroic Corrido: A Premature Obituary?” Aztlán 22, no. 1

  (1997): 115–38.

  Costa

  Rica

  |

  115

  Paredes, Américo. “ With His Pistol in His Hand”: A Border Ballad and Its Hero. Aus-

  tin: University of Texas Press, 1958.

  Helena Simonett

  Costa Rica

  Costa Rica is a Central American country with a population comprised largely

  of the descendants of European immigrants. The largest ethnic minorities in

  Costa Rica are African (2% of the four million inhabitants) and American In-

  dian (1% of the total population). While the Hispanic influence on Costa Rican

  music is demonstrated through parallels, thirds, melodies, and Western harmo-

  nies, the rhythmic structures and many of the instruments are derived from Af-

  rican traditions.

  Costa Rican music has much in common with romances or ballads, and cop-

  las , from Spain, generating related styles such as retahila and bomba , popular in the Guanacaste area, as well as the rest of the country. The Guanacaste province is

  widely considered to have produced the most influential folk music in the country.

  The African population is concentrated in the Limón area, in southeastern Costa

  Rica along the Atlantic coast, while in the Valle Central area, containing the capital

  of San José, romances remains popular.

  Two types of the marimba are commonly found in Costa Rica, the chromatic and

 

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