Encyclopedia of Latin American Popular Music

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Encyclopedia of Latin American Popular Music Page 59

by George Torres


  Dapieve, Artur. Brock: o rock brasileiro dos anos 80. São Paulo: Editora 34, 1995.

  Galinsky, Philip. “ Maracatu Atômico ” : Tradition, Modernity, and Postmodernity in the

  Mangue Movement of Recife, Brazil. New York: Routledge, 2002.

  Veloso, Caetano. Tropical Truth: A Story of Music and Revolution in Brazil. Trans. Isabel

  de Sena. New York: Knopf, 2002.

  Wheeler, Jesse Samba. “Dark Matter: Towards an Architectonics of Rock, Place, and

  Identity in Brasília’s Utopian Underground.” PhD diss., University of California, Los An-

  geles, 2007.

  Jesse Wheeler

  Rock en Español

  Rock en español is the term used to describe the cultural practice of rock music in

  Spanish. Given the variety of styles encompassed by this term, it would be difficult

  to define it in terms of instrumentation or genres, though the electric guitar figures

  highly as a component. Thus, it is best understood as an umbrella-like label, cov-

  ering a vast array of music associated with contemporary practice in countries all

  over the Americas.

  Generally speaking, rock en español is associated with the 1980s and 1990s. As

  a cultural practice, however, it is much older. The 1980s and 1990s signal only a pe-

  riod of mainstream visibility, but actual practice goes as far back as the late 1950s. It

  is hard to pinpoint a single location as the actual origin of rock en español. Rather,

  events in Mexico, Cuba, and Argentina point to circumstances contributing to its

  materialization in an almost simultaneous fashion. Radio stations broadcasting rock

  music were very popular across the border between the United States and Mexico

  as well as Cuba. In Argentina, familiarity with fashionable music trends sparked

  initial attempts at local production of rock ‘n’ roll, however, throughout the hemi-

  sphere, a significant event was the incorporation of rock ‘n’ roll songs in the reper-

  toire of bands at dance halls and clubs of Latin American capitals. Early recordings

  date as far back as the mid to late 1950s in Mexico and Argentina, with acts like

  Gloria Ríos in 1957 and Billy Cafaro in 1958. Around the same time, a Cuban group

  called Los Hot Rockers was, arguably, the first band singing rock and roll in Span-

  ish, though they left no recordings. Eventually, Los Llopis recorded what could be

  regarded as the first rock ‘n’ roll-tinged songs for the Cuban music industry.

  Though rock in English was widely available thanks to local distribution, record

  companies soon discovered that, for the music to succeed, Spanish versions would

  be necessary. The Mexican industry thus focused on recorded covers of American

  Rock en Español | 343

  or British hits known as refritos, with bands like Los Locos del Ritmo (aka Los

  Rebeldes del Rock), Los Teen Tops, Los Black Jeans (a.k.a. Los Camisas Negras),

  Los Apson, Los Loud Jets, and Los Hooligans. Cuba produced Los Zafiros, a leg-

  endary doo-wop and rhythm and blues ensemble with a short-lived career, which

  epitomizes the devastating effect of revolutionary cultural policies.

  With teen stars like César Costa and Enrique Guzmán, Mexico was primarily

  responsible for popularizing this new music through a movement called La Nueva

  Ola (The New Wave). For the most part, Nueva Ola was the Spanish version of

  early rock in English, though its class appeal was limited to privileged sectors of

  society. It soon became a Latin American constant. In Mexico, magazines like POP

  celebrated singers like Angélica María and Julissa, and bands like Los Yaki, Los

  Belmonts, and The Rockin’ Devils. Television contributed greatly to Nueva Ola’s

  popularity. Argentine programs like El Club del Clan and Ritmo y juventud were

  adapted in other countries eager to join. In Mexico, the equivalents were programs

  like Yeah Yeah and Discotheque a gogó. By the mid-1960s, stars like Guzmán and

  Costa, and the Argentines Leo Dan, Sandro, and Palito Ortega were quite popular

  all over Latin America.

  In Argentina, rock progressed along two main routes: the rich favored Anglo

  rock, while, at the lower-class level, a Spanish language version of rock emerged,

  quite apart from covers. The emergence of a rock in Spanish tradition allowed for a

  different orientation. Imitating British acts, bands like The Shakers and The Mock-

  ers arrived from Uruguay, while singers like Mauricio Birabent (a.k.a. Moris) and

  José Alberto Iglesias (a.k.a. Tanguito) sang original material in Spanish, contribut-

  ing to the rise of bands like Los Gatos Salvajes and Los Beatniks, some of which

  arrived to Buenos Aires from the interior of the country. By 1968, two main bands,

  Almendra and Manal, were considered staples. In addition, by the early 1970s,

  magazines like Pinap and Pelo catered to their followers.

  Andean/Caribbean nations followed a similar pattern, largely related to Anglo

  culture and a certain degree of consumerism. In Colombia, cities like Bogotá and

  Medellín witnessed bands like Los Speakers, Los Flippers, Los Danger Twist, and

  Los Yetis, with the usual Spanish covers. In Venezuela, groups like Los Dangers

  and Los Impalas generated widespread interest. In Peru, Los Saicos proposed a

  different sound, more in line with alternative American and British bands. In Chile,

  bands like Los Rockets and Los Ramblers became household names.

  Concerts were another key conduit for the popularization of rock. Though some

  bands performed in English, the overall effect was the endorsement of local lan-

  guage. Across the Americas, many versions of Woodstock were celebrated: in

  Argentina, it was Buenos Aires Rock (1971); in Mexico, Avándaro (1971); in Co-

  lombia, Ancón (1971). Amid widespread conservatism, concerts were portrayed as

  inconvenient events with enormous potential for societal instability.

  344 | Rock en Español

  The 1970s were problematic for rock en español. Few new stars managed to

  emerge, chiefly, Argentines like Charly García and Luis Alberto Spinetta, and the

  presence of authoritarian regimes across the hemisphere didn’t help. Conversely,

  there was a working-class newcomer; punk arrived from abroad and posited itself

  as the alternative to lighthearted disco and salsa. In Peru, bands like Leusemia,

  Narcosis, and Zcuela Crrada joined a first wave of emulators. Most importantly,

  Argentina saw the arrival of Luca Prodan, the leader and founder of Sumo (1981),

  a seminal punk band of the Spanish-speaking Americas.

  To a certain extent, repression acted as motivation for the revival of rock. Before

  the military, it was easy to conceive of rock as cultural resistance. A central case in

  point is the Guatemalan band Alux Nahual, born in 1979. Composed of classically

  trained musicians, it engaged in progressive rock and developed lyrics alluding to

  Mesoamerican conflicts. It also combined elements from Central America’s native

  music heritage, gaining considerable popularity throughout the region. The band

  remained relevant until the late 1990s, when many political processes concluded

  with peaceful resolutions.

  Amid military oppression, a particular circumstance proved highly influential:

  during the Malvinas/Falkland conflict, Argentine authorities outlawed the airplay

  of music in English, jumps
tarting the resurgence of a nationally rooted rock. To

  comply with the ruling, many radio stations dusted off old copies of national record-

  ings in Spanish, showing that society was willing to invest in nationally produced

  rock music in Spanish and support its integration into the mainstream. This brought

  about a change in the considerations of Argentine recording studios, which now

  recognized an economic opportunity.

  In 1983, after Argentina’s return to democracy, the trend intensified. The death

  of Franco in Spain brought about a rebirth of Spanish culture, with a tangible rock

  component. Groups like El Último de la Fila, Siniestro Total, Nacha Pop, Mecano,

  Alaska y Dinarama, and Los Toreros Muertos, many of which were marketed to

  the Americas, embodied the diversity of Spain’s rock music. Even Chile, which

  struggled with Pinochet’s legacy, managed to produce a groundbreaking band: Los

  Prisioneros.

  By the mid to late 1980s, bands like Soda Stereo (Argentina), Enanitos Verdes

  (Argentina), and Hombres G (Spain) had toured much of the hemisphere with

  evangelizing fervor. In Mexico, record companies went to work immediately,

  coming up with acts like Caifanes and Botellita de Jerez. In most Latin American

  capitals, bands surfaced: in Venezuela, there was Sentimiento Muerto; in Colom-

  bia, Compañía Ilimitada, Pasaporte, and Hora Local; in Peru, Río and Miki Gonza-

  les. Pent-up demand assisted groups that had toiled in the background for a number

  of years. In Mexico, Alex Lora’s El Tri developed a faithful, solid following.

  Music of this period reflects changing times: the end of the decade, with its

  dour monetary implications, and the opening of many economies. In the same

  Rock en Español | 345

  open manner, labels supported a wide assortment of styles; hybridity became the

  norm. Though rooted in punk or ska, bands fused the backbeat with Latin music,

  from huapangos to cumbia. In many instances, rock en español defied description, with groups like Café Tacuba and Maldita Vecindad (Mexico), Aterciopelados (Colombia), Los Fabulosos Cadillacs and Divididos (Argentina), and Los Amigos In-

  visibles (Venezuela). In due course, record labels favored acts with successful pop

  appeal, like Maná, a band from Guadalajara. In addition, hip-hop and rap flourished

  through the subcontinent: in some cases, in places with little Afro visibility, such

  as Argentina, with Bersuit Vergarabat and Illya Kuryaki and The Valderramas, or

  Mexico, with Molotov and Control Machete; in other cases, in places with a strong

  African tradition, such as Cuba, with the group Orishas.

  In the United States, a young Latino population represented a tempting mar-

  ket. With acts like Ricky Martin, Latinos gained presence in the media. Bands

  like Puerto Rico ’ s Puya, with its mix of salsa and rap metal; California’s Los Lobos, with its lengthy heritage; or even Carlos Santana, the guitar virtuoso

  of the 1960s, benefited from this new awareness of the Latin music market. In

  contrast, mainstream production in English reported dismal figures. In the early

  2000s, there was a migration to independent labels. In Mexico, indie bands like

  Noiselab and Nuevos Ricos released innovative work. Electronic music, based

  on sampling techniques, is a determining factor for this development. The rise of

  the Internet influenced many bands, which learned to market their music without

  access to big multinationals. Bands like Sidestepper or the Instituto Mexicano

  del Sonido reflect the growing relevance of lounge music. The 2000s also saw

  the rise of a new kind of Latin American rock superstar, evidenced in global fig-

  ures like Shakira and Juanes. Bands along the border between the United States

  and Mexico, like Ozomatli and El Gran Silencio, also continued to experiment

  and produce inter-generic recordings, catering to both the Latin American and

  U.S. market. In general, a better measure of the acceptance of music is the found-

  ing of a tradition of rock festivals like Vive Latino (1998–2010, in Mexico City),

  Rock al Parque (1995–2010, in Bogotá), Cosquín Rock (2001–2010, in Cosquín,

  Argentina), and Quilmes Rock (2002–2004, 2007–2010, in Buenos Aires). In

  this sense, rock en español has come of age. It is now fashionably acceptable

  and does not have to fight for a space. As means of cultural resistance, though,

  it has lost efficacy.

  Further Reading

  Arévalo Mateus, Jorge. “Rock en español.” Encyclopedia of Latinos and Latinas in the

  United States, edited by Deena J. González and Suzanne Oboler, 29–31. Oxford: Oxford

  University Press, 2005.

  Pacini-Hernandez, Deborah, Héctor Fernández L’Hoeste, and Eric Zolov. Rockin ’ Las

  Americas: The Global Politics of Rock in the Americas. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pitts-

  burgh Press, 2004.

  346 | Romance

  Vila, Pablo. “Argentina’s Rock Nacional: The Struggle for Meaning.” Latin American

  Music Review 10, no. 1 (1989): 1–28.

  Zolov, Eric. Refried Elvis: The Rise of the Mexican Counterculture. Berkeley: University

  of California Press, 1999.

  Hector Fernández L’Hoeste

  Romance

  The romance is a Spanish narrative ballad that emerged from Spain in the 15th

  century and was brought to the Americas during the colonial period. The romance

  became one of the most popular song varieties in Spanish-speaking countries, and

  the genre has produced a lineage of indigenous and regional varieties throughout

  Latin America. The musical form of a romance is usually a strophic repetition of a

  series of verses ( coplas ) that tell of a legend, event, or a depiction of homeland as

  a topic. Throughout its history, the romance used a variety of verse forms, with the

  octosyllabic quatrain being the most common and widespread. Framing the series

  of verses that make up the romance are usually an introductory stanza that declares

  the topic of the narrative, and a closing stanza that bids farewell to the listener

  ( despedida ). Musically, the melodies and harmonies are relatively uncomplicated,

  and the accompaniment, usually played on the guitar, is also straightforward. The

  legacy of the romance can be found in Mexico, where it is known as the corrido , in Colombia, where it is known as the copla, in Chile, where it is known as the

  tonada , as well as Venezuela, Argentina, and Uruguay. Though largely a folkloric genre, some traditions have been successful in performing their repertoire of

  romance -based compositions to wider, and sometimes international audiences. In

  Mexico, the corrido also forms part of the mariachi repertoire, which has an international audience. Through the popularity of the folkloric movement beginning

  in the 1960s, Chilean tonada became a staple of successful performing groups like

  Los de Ramon. Similarly, nueva canción artists, such as Violeta Parra, wrote and

  performed tonadas as part of their repertoire.

  Further Reading

  Herrera-Sobek, María. Northward Bound: The Mexican Immigrant Experience in Ballad

  and Song. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993.

  George Torres

  Rondador

  The rondador is a member of the family of Andean Panpipes, primarily found in

  Ecuador (where it is considered the national instrument) and Northern Peru. The

  Rond
alla

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  347

  design of the rondador is a single-rowed, rafted series of pipes of differing lengths.

  The instrument, unlike the siku or the antara, whose pipes or tubes ascend in size across the instrument, the rondador pipes are laid out in an almost zig-zag with a

  seemingly irregular pattern. The tuning is pentatonic, but the tubes are laid out in

  such a way to allow the solo player to blow simultaneous intervals of thirds and

  fourths. The most common rondador has between 8 to around 30 tubes, but some

  larger varieties have as many as 44. Although Andean panpipes predate Columbus,

  it is believed that its tuning and preference for thirds developed with Spanish influ-

  ence, and for that reason, it may be considered a colonial instrument. Unlike the

  siku and its ensemble, which often plays in groups, the rondador, like the antara, is played as a solo instrument. It is often accompanied by a chordal producing harmony instrument such as the guitar, harp, or accordion.

  Further Reading

  Schechter, John M. “Ecuador.” The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, Volume 2:

  South America, Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean, 413–33. New York: Garland

  Publishing, 1998.

  George Torres

  Rondalla

  The rondalla is a Latin American ensemble for voices and plucked strings and

  is a variant of the estudiantina, also known as La Tuna, which originated and is still largely popular in Spain. Like the estudiantina, the rondalla has its roots

  in fraternal student organizations, known for their perambulatory performances.

  The origins of these groups go back to the earliest formations of the university

  in Medieval Spain when wandering students would sing in the streets. Hence, the

  word rondalla is synonymous with street musicians. An additional association

  with rondallas is that they participate in rondas, or nocturnal serenatas . The instrumentation of rondallas varies among countries in Latin America. Some may

  include a mixture of plucked strings as in the traditional and regional Spanish

  estudiantinas that use guitar, laúds , and bandurrias, while more urban estudiantinas like those found in larger cities in Mexico may use an instrumentation

  of guitars, requintos , and double bass (when strolling, someone may be asked

 

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