by Adel Beshara
It is beginning, nowadays, to dawn on those who had maligned him viciously in the past, that President Nasser symbolizes this type of nationalism, which moves forcefully to eliminate backwardness and corruption, through introducing reform and thus averting Communist-exploited eruptions of popular discontent; and which also moves effectively to eliminate vestiges of degrading domination by the Colonial Powers while averting — through its dynamic policy of non-alignment — Soviet domination.34
Nonetheless, it is necessary to point out two closely related issues concerning Sayegh’s pan-Arab inclinations. First, despite the exhilaration evoked by Nasser and the surge of Arab nationalism under his leadership, Sayegh did not join any pan-Arab movement or political party: Nasserist or non-Nasserist. He remained politically independent and did not cross the moral threshold in his appraisal of Arabism. Second, Sayegh did not convert to Arab nationalism in the full ideological sense. He was more inclined to the concept of “Arabism” than to the doctrine of “Arab nationalism”. His discourse was “political” rather than “national”. It advocated for a “unified political system” for the “Arab lands” (anything from federal to confederal to commonwealth) rather than union in a national sense. Sayegh called it “Arab dynamic nationalism” (as opposed to Arab nationalism), and he defined its frame of reference primarily in terms of positive constructs such as independence, social progress, unity, neutralism, and socialist reforms.
THE FOURTH PHASE
This phase, which overlaps with the previous three phases, was Sayegh’s most intense phase. It is the stage of the Palestine cause. Apart from Syrian nationalism in the early part of his life, no other issue captured Sayegh’s attention like Palestine. Its cause became his life quest. He dedicated his time and work to almost entirely attempting to debunk Zionist myths. Hardly a claim passed without capturing his attention or investigation. As a proficient writer, Sayegh did not disappoint.
The amount of literature on Palestine that flowed from Sayegh’s pen was vast and scrupulously impartial. He was very methodical and left no stone unturned in the pursuit of his objective. He managed his responses with great regularity. Still, it was not always pleasant for him, nor did he expect it to be. As a large organization with infinite resources, the Zionists were always there to block his efforts. The attacks came from all sides and in every conceivable form. However, Sayegh’s ability to present his case with logical and commonsense knowledge and to convince his audience and readers that he was morally and intellectually qualified to address the topic at hand proved too problematic to be overcome by appeals to traditional tactics. Repeatedly, Zionists would attempt to paint him as an anti-Semite, but Sayegh was too clever for them. He would not be drawn into that kind of introspection. His incisiveness and total dedication thwarted every effort to deflect him from the central issues.
One does not have to read far through Sayegh’s various works to appreciate his intense commitment to countering Zionism’s misguided mythology. His central argument, which he continued to develop and streamline all his life, was very clear and precise: as an exclusivist political movement of the Jewish people, Zionism is a process of systematic colonization based on the combined form of forcible dispossession of the indigenous population, their expulsion from their own country, the implantation of an alien sovereignty on their soil, and the speedy importation of hordes of aliens to occupy the land thus emptied of its rightful inhabitants. For Sayegh, nothing could be more inhuman and racist. The physical and human losses of such an enterprise might be unimaginable, but they were dwarfed before the longer-term repercussions on the displaced Palestinians:
The people of Palestine has lost not only political control over its country, but physical occupation of its country as well: it has been deprived not only of its inalienable right to self-determination, but also of its elemental right to exist on its own land.35
Depictions of Zionism as a colonial project may be as old as the Zionist movement itself. Sayegh was the one who established the right theoretical foundation for it. By making it a primary research interest, he delivered a critical assessment of Zionist ideology and built a comprehensive discourse that rationally-countered and brilliantly illuminated a host of problems and issues. Its wide acknowledgement by researchers and decision-makers reveals the power and credibility of his analysis, as does his success with United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379. Sayegh’s tireless personal quest to inform the misguided American public about Zionism also deserves attention. Drawing on his extensive experience looking at American political habits and speech, he could determine the patterns in Americans’ acceptance or rejection of ideas and use them to great effect to convey the facts. He did not achieve much success on this front, but neither did anyone else.
CONCLUSION
Fayez Sayegh developed a keen sense for the important constellations in sociopolitical reality early in his life. In its evolving forms and character, this sense exemplified a life spent in pursuit of justice and political awareness at various levels. In the process, Sayegh left a body of lasting literature that is probably greater than that of any other Near Eastern writer. What makes this literature so exciting is its thematic and aesthetic diversity. One cannot help but be struck by its peculiar intellectual consistency and painstakingly detailed and informative analysis.
The excellence of Sayegh’s literary output was overshadowed only by his reputation as a skillful public speaker and debater. On this level, as well, he gave outstanding performances and displayed exceptional skills regarding the working and application of his ideas. He had the knack to dodge information rhetoric and he always strove to remain current and up-to-date. His ability to be the first to take charge and prevent his opponents from drawing him into futile polemics was another strong feature.
That much is pretty well known and established. Nonetheless, large gaps in Sayegh’s biographical profile requires attention before a more complete picture of his life can be obtained. The largest gap in this profile appertains to Sayegh’s eight-year spell as an active senior officer with the Syrian National Party between 1939 and 1947.
* * *
1 Michael Marten, Attempting to Bring the Gospel Home: Scottish Missions to Palestine, 1839-1917. (London: I. B. Tauris, 2005).
2 On Charles Malik see: Glenn Mitoma, “Charles H. Malik And Human Rights: Notes On A Biography.” (Biography, Vol. 33, No. 1, winter 2010): 222-41.
3 Sakr Abu Fakhr, “The triumph of Freedom over Ideology (Arabic). Al-Safir ‘Palestine’, 2012.
4 Fayez Sayegh, 1922-1980 - Correspondence. (University of Utah - Fayez A. Sayegh Collection).
5 Richard H. Nolte’s review of Arab Unity: Hope and Fulfillment by Fayez A. Sayegh. In Middle East Journal, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Winter, 1960), pp. 100-101.
6 Fayez Sayegh, Zionist Propaganda in the United States. (Pleasantville, NY: The Fayez A. Sayegh Foundation, 1983).
7 Ibid, 5.
8 Sayegh at the American University of Beirut 1954-1966: Letter to Adnan Iskandar, October 29, 1965. (University of Utah - Fayez A. Sayegh Collection).
9 On September 15, 1982, as Israeli troops invaded West Beirut, they ransacked the offices of the Palestine Research Center confiscating all its possessions and transporting them to Israel. Despite its official diplomatic status granted by the Lebanese government, the Center was subjected to a series of attacks by Israeli troops and their Lebanese allies aimed at closing the Center and ending its activities. During these attacks, several members of the staff were killed, including Hanneh Shahin, the wife of Sabri Jiryis, who was the Director of the Center.
10 Elmer Berger, “Memoirs of an Anti-Zionist Jew.” (Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 5, No. ½, Autumn, 1975 - Winter, 1976): 3-55.
11 Anis F. Kassim, (Ed.), The Palestine Yearbook of International Law, 1998-1999. (Brill: Martinus Nijhoff 1984-): 245.
12 LIFE, Jan 28, 1957, p. 57.
13 http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/media-monitor/media-monitor-51/2002/08/07/0/?print
/> 14 Mike Wallace and Gary Paul Gates, Close Encounters: Mike Wallace’s Own Story. (William Morrow & Co, 1987).
15 Andrew Killgore, “25 Years After His Death, Dr. Fayez Sayegh’s Towering Legacy Lives On.” (Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, Dec 2005, Vol. 24, Issue 9): 22.
16 As’ad AbuKhalil, “Before Edward Said: a Tribute to Fayez Sayegh.” (Al-Akhbar, Tue, December 9, 2014).
17 Killgore, op. cit. In 1974, Sayegh appeared on the television show Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr. who was not a Zionist by any means.
18 Fayez A. Sayegh, Zionism: “A Form of Racism and Racial Discrimination” Four Statements Made at the U.N. General Assembly.” (Office of the Permanent Observer of the Palestine Liberation Organization to the United Nations, 1976).
19 See The Link, Published by Americans for Middle East Understanding, Inc. (Volume 36, Issue 2, April-May, 2003): 7.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid, 39.
22 Paul Lewis, “U.N. Repeals Its ‘75 Resolution Equating Zionism With Racism.” (The New York Times, December 17, 1991)
23 Habib C. Malik, “The Reception of Kierkegaard in the Arab World.” In Jon Stewart (ed.), Kierkegaard’s International Reception: The Near East, Asia, Australia, and the Americas. (London: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1989): 39-96.
24 Fayez Sayegh, Nida’ al-Aamak: Nadharat fi al-Insan wa al-Wujud. (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1947): 11. Though published in 1947, Sayegh prepared the ground for this monograph in 1946.
25 Fayez Sayegh, “Existential Philosophy: A Formal Examination.” (Georgetown University, 1949): xvi.
26 Habib C. Malik, op. cit.
27 Fayez Sayegh, “Existential Philosophy: A Formal Examination.” (Georgetown University, 1949): xvi.
28 Habib C. Malik, op. cit.
29 Quoted in Fayez Sayegh, al-baath al-qawmi. (Beirut: Dar Fikr, 2nd ed. n.d.): 76.
30 Ibid.
31 Quoted in Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut. (University of Texas Press, 2011): 16.
32 Zafar Ishaq Ansari, “The Movement For Arab Unity: A Review Article.” (Pakistan Horizon, Vol. 13, No. 3 (Third Quarter, 1960): 240-45.
33 Fayez Sayegh, “For the Record.” (The Caravan, Brooklyn, N. Y., Thursday, January 15, 1959): 7.
34 Ibid.
35 Fayez A. Sayegh Collection, University of Utah, Box 222, Folder 4. Sayegh analyzed the violent nature of Israel as a settler colonial state informed by a racist ideology in his 1965 book Zionist Colonization of Palestine. (Beirut: Research Center, Palestine Liberation Organization, 1965).
2
The Rise of Fayez Sayegh in the SSNP
Fayez Sayegh hailed from a family that understood the practical value of education. Despite the family’s involvement in political struggles, it strove for the highest standard of education and the worldly enjoyment of its members. The family was also deeply steeped in the patriotic spirit and open to the values and perspectives of secular life despite its Presbyterian tradition. Therefore, it was only natural that, when the Sayegh brothers relocated to Beirut in the mid-1930s to pursue their education at the American University of Beirut, they would mingle with groups that embodied the values and ideals of their upbringing the most. Before long, they found their calling in a tightly organized and highly ideological group called the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP). Headed by the erudite and charismatic Antun Sa’adeh, the SSNP had several engaging features: a strong accent on social unity, a penchant for secular values, a hardnosed opposition to Zionism, an antipathy for religious sectarianism, an appetite for modern ideas, and a flair for discipline and ethics. The Party resonated strongly with young idealists discontented with the status quo and the existing divisions. It particularly attracted intellectuals and university students despite an official ban on political parties and the numerous risks to which it exposed members.
The Sayegh brothers joined the SSNP in quick succession: Yusif in 1936, Fuad in 1937, and Fayez in 1938. Of the three, Fayez was the brother who left a profound and lasting mark on the Party. For almost nine years (1938–1947), nothing occupied his mind and soul more compellingly and intensely than the SSNP. In conjunction with his academic studies, Fayez served its cause, promoted its principles, and garnered support for its vision with flawless dedication and loyalty.
As his first Party responsibility, Fayez served as head of the AUB student branch at the tender age of 20.1 This was a dangerous position to hold with war raging and the ruling French cracking down on political activists. The war also brought the wrath of the Arab nationalists and other active groups on the campus with it.
Fayez’s tireless efforts were noticed and certainly appreciated by the Party. In near record time, he was elevated to a senior rank and appointed as officer-in-charge of its cultural department.
Two factors facilitated Sayegh’s rapid rise in the Party’s hierarchy:
Antun Sa’adeh’s departure in 1938 to South America on a diplomatic mission for the Party and the incarceration of the Party’s senior cadres and functionaries soon after the outbreak of World War II. This rapid depletion of leadership opened the door wide for the induction of “new blood” into the Party’s leadership, and Sayegh happened to be in the right place at the right time.
Sayegh’s proficiency and engaging style were too good to pass up. His academic style and ability to articulate complex thoughts and convey them with interpersonal efficacy and confidence gave him a clear edge over others, including some of the more established members of the Party.
By all accounts, Fayez handled himself with the utmost competence and integrity. He did not waver from his convictions and maintained a high standard of conduct. He was always reliable and hardworking. Despite the unpleasant atmosphere of intimidation, fear, and persecution unleashed by the ruling French, Fayez did not deviate from his commitment to the Party. He continued to invest his time and energy in it, even when the situation looked bleak and hopeless. According to his brother, Anis, Fayez’s dedication exposed him to the wrath and indignation of the French authorities, but somehow he managed to escape from them. His other brother, Yusif, recalls: “During that period, Fayez was in hiding for almost a year; the French wanted him because of his fiery speeches. He grew a beard and put on a monk’s habit. That is why his Master’s took longer than it should. He lived in the mountains, in the houses of Party members.”2
After Lebanon gained independence in 1943, Fayez’s name and stature spread like wildfire. He developed a formidable reputation as a competent public speaker and an authority and writer both on Party and non-Party issues. Marveling at his amazing ability, the Party leadership reciprocated by furnishing him with a platform to exercise his skills and showcase his talent:
From the age of 15 or 16, Fayez could write articles with an engaging content and a lively mind and a foresight that exceeded his age. He won the admiration of all of us, including Sa’adeh, and we came to anticipate his development and academic attainment eagerly so that we could utilize him for the Party on a full-time basis.3
Fayez did not disappoint. He proved his worth and rose to the challenge with grace and dignity. He was an extremely gifted and generous speaker and very capable in executing a range of different activities and tasks. He was so effective and invaluable that the SSNP’s constitution was amended to promote him to the Party’s Supreme Council before he had met all the required conditions for joining it.
After 1944, Fayez held several executive posts in the Party. He rose in 1946 to the dual positions of Dean of Culture and Dean of Information. This catapulted him into the political limelight and made him one of the most visible faces in the Party’s top hierarchy. A four-part breakdown and review of his duties and responsibilities in 1946 will demonstrate his performance and stamina in the SSNP.
1. NEWSPAPER SUPERVISOR / EDITOR
As chief of the SSNP Information Department, Fayez was responsible for the Party’s publications. This included the regular bulletins and internal missives issued directly by
the department as well as the Party’s official newspaper Sada an-Nahda. Between 1946 and 1947, assisted by a team of capable writers and columnists and with the full backing of his peers, he oversaw the publication of Sada an-Nahda. He attended to this duty with the same care and attention that he had given to previous collaborations. Fayez’s name did not appear on the paper’s editorial board, but he was effectively the person in charge because the Party’s internal by-laws placed all publications under the jurisdiction of the Information department.
As overseer, Fayez’s role was to ensure the strict adherence of the paper to the Party line. He could not have had much trouble with this because the editors and contributors were almost all Party members with varying degrees of journalistic and ideological experience. Some of them, like paper’s first editor, Farid Mubarak, had worked on previous Party publications. Adherence to the Party line meant, in the first place, observance of the Party’s policies in both internal and external matters - from the Party’s policy of “openness” on the Lebanese regime, to its opposition to Zionism and Communism, and to its aversion to sectarian politics. In the handling of this responsibility, Sayegh showed both leadership and maturity. He delegated issues of a strictly Lebanese nature largely to the Party’s “Lebanon” experts, like Asad al-Ashqar, Abdullah Qubersi, and Mustapha Abdul Satir, while he then concentrated on issues which he could accomplish more since they were germane to his interests.
As for his own contribution to the paper, it was as generous as that of anyone else. First, the paper’s regular second-page editorial column, published under the pseudonym “an-Nahda”, came entirely from Sayegh’s pen. In 1946, he contributed two editorial series. The first consisted of 44 commentaries from February 9 to April 30, and the second consisted of 26 short reviews from July 11 to August 10. In both cases, he introduced and discussed elemental issues of society (national struggle, reform, political parties, role of culture, freedom of thought, independence, etc.) from the national perspective of the Party. Occasionally, Fayez would insert his own personal opinions and views, but not forcefully enough to take him beyond the Party’s ideology.