by Polybius
67. When the whole army had mustered at Sicca, and Hanno, now appointed general in Libya, far from satisfying these hopes and the promises they had received, talked on the contrary of the burden of the taxes and the embarrassment of the public finances; and actually endeavoured to obtain from them an abatement even from the amount of pay acknowledged to be due to them; excited and mutinous feelings at once began to manifest themselves. There were constant conferences hastily got together, sometimes in separate nationalities, sometimes of the whole army; and there being no unity of race or language among them, the whole camp became a babel of confusion, a scene of inarticulate tumult, and a veritable revel of misrule. For the Carthaginians being always accustomed to employ mercenary troops of miscellaneous nationalities, in securing that an army should consist of several different races, act wisely as far as the prevention of any rapid combinations for mutiny, or difficulty on the part of the commanders in overawing insubordination, are concerned: but the policy utterly breaks down when an outburst of anger, or popular delusion, or internal dissension, has actually occurred; for it makes it impossible for the commander to soothe excited feelings, to remove misapprehensions, or to show the ignorant their error. Armies in such a state are not usually content with mere human wickedness; they end by assuming the ferocity of wild beasts and the vindictiveness of insanity.
This is just what happened in this case. There were in the army Iberians and Celts, men from Liguria and the Balearic Islands, and a considerable number of half-bred Greeks, mostly deserters and slaves; while the main body consisted of Libyans. Consequently it was impossible to collect and address them en masse, or to approach them with this view by any means whatever. There was no help for it: the general could not possibly know their several languages; and to make a speech four or five times on the same subject, by the mouths of several interpreters, was almost more impossible, if I may say so, than that. The only alternative was for him to address his entreaties and exhortations to the soldiers through their officers. And this Hanno continually endeavoured to do. But there was the same difficulty with them. Sometimes they failed to understand what he said: at others they received his words with expressions of approval to his face, and yet from error or malice reported them in a contrary sense to the common soldiers. The result was a general scene of uncertainty, mistrust, and misunderstanding. And to crown all, they took it into their heads that the Carthaginian government had a design in thus sending Hanno to them: that they purposely did not send the generals who were acquainted with the services they had rendered in Sicily, and who had been the authors of the promises made to them; but had sent the one man who had not been present at any of these transactions. Whether that were so or not, they finally broke off all negotiations with Hanno; conceived a violent mistrust of their several commanders; and in a furious outburst of anger with the Carthaginians started towards the city, and pitched their camp about a hundred and twenty stades from Carthage, at the town of Tunes, to the number of over twenty thousand.
[1] οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι τότε πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἐλάμβανον τὴν αὑτῶν ἄγνοιαν, ὅτ᾽ ἦν οὐδὲν ὄφελος. [2] μεγάλα μὲν γὰρ ἥμαρτον, εἰς ἕνα τόπον ἁθροίσαντες τοσοῦτο πλῆθος μισθοφόρων, ἔχοντες οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα πολεμικῆς χρείας ἐν ταῖς πολιτικαῖς δυνάμεσι: [3] τούτου δὲ μεῖζον ἔτι, προέμενοι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ σὺν τούτοις τὰς ἀποσκευάς: οἷς ἐξῆν ὁμήροις χρησαμένους ἀσφαλέστερον μὲν αὐτοὺς βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν ὑποπιπτόντων, εὐπειθεστέροις δ᾽ ἐκείνοις χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὸ παρακαλούμενον, [4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπλαγέντες τὴν στρατοπεδείαν πᾶν ὑπέμενον, σπουδάζοντες ἐξιλάσασθαι τὴν ὀργὴν αὐτῶν, [5] καὶ τάς τε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀγορὰς ἐκπέμποντες δαψιλεῖς ἐπώλουν, καθὼς ἐκεῖνοι βούλοιντο καὶ τάττοιεν τὰς τιμάς, τῶν τε τῆς γερουσίας ἀεί τινας ἐξαπέστελλον πρέσβεις, ὑπισχνούμενοι ποιήσειν πᾶν ὅ,τι ποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὺς ἀξιώσαιεν εἰ κατὰ δύναμιν. [6] ἦν δὲ πολὺ τὸ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν παρὰ τοῖς μισθοφόροις ἐπινοούμενον, ἅτε δὴ κατατεθαρρηκότων μὲν καὶ συντεθεωρηκότων τὴν κατάπληξιν καὶ πτοίαν τῶν Καρχηδονίων, [7] πεφρονηματισμένων δὲ καὶ πεπεισμένων διὰ τοὺς προγεγονότας αὐτοῖς ἐν Σικελίᾳ πρὸς τὰ Ῥωμαϊκὰ στρατόπεδα κινδύνους μὴ οἷον Καρχηδονίους ἀντοφθαλμῆσαί ποτ᾽ ἂν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνθρώπων μηδένα ῥᾳδίως. [8] διόπερ ἅμα τῷ συγχωρῆσαι τὰ περὶ τῶν ὀψωνίων αὐτοῖς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους εὐθέως ἐπέβαινον καὶ τῶν τεθνεώτων ἵππων ἀπῄτουν τὰς ἀξίας. [9] προσδεξαμένων δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, πάλιν τῆς προσοφειλομένης σιτομετρίας ἐκ πλείονος χρόνου τὴν μεγίστην γεγονυῖαν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τιμὴν ἔφασκον αὑτοὺς δεῖν κομίζεσθαι. [10] καθόλου δ᾽ ἀεί τι νέον καὶ καινὸν προσεξεύρισκον, εἰς ἀδύνατον ἐκβάλλοντες τὴν διάλυσιν διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς καχέκτας καὶ στασιώδεις ἐν αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν. [11] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πᾶν τὸ δυνατὸν ὑπισχνουμένων τῶν Καρχηδονίων, κατένευσαν ἐπιτρέψειν περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων ἑνὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ γεγονότων στρατηγῶν. [12] πρὸς μὲν οὖν Ἀμίλκαν τὸν Βάρκαν, μεθ᾽ οὗ συγκεκινδυνεύκεσαν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ, δυσχερῶς εἶχον, δοκοῦντες οὐχ ἥκιστα δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον ὀλιγωρεῖσθαι τῷ μήτε πρεσβεύειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς τήν τε στρατηγίαν ἑκουσίως δοκεῖν ἀποτεθεῖσθαι: [13] πρὸς δὲ Γέσκωνα πάνυ διέκειντο φιλανθρώπως, ὃς ἐγεγόνει μὲν ἐν Σικελίᾳ στρατηγός, ἐπεποίητο δ᾽ αὐτῶν πρόνοιαν τὴν ἐνδεχομένην ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὴν ἀνακομιδήν. διόπερ ἐπέτρεψαν τούτῳ περὶ τῶν
68. The Carthaginians saw their folly when it was too late. It was a grave mistake to have collected so large a number of mercenaries into one place without any warlike force of their own citizens to fall back upon: but it was a still graver mistake to have delivered up to them their children and wives, with their heavy baggage to boot; which they might have retained as hostages, and thus have had greater security for concerting their own measures, and more power of ensuring obedience to their orders. However, being thoroughly alarmed at the action of the men in regard to their encampment, they went to every length in their eagerness to pacify their anger. They sent them supplies of provisions in rich abundance, to be purchased exactly on their own terms, and at their own price. Members of the Senate were despatched, one after the other, to treat with them; and they were promised that whatever they demanded should be conceded if it were within the bounds of possibility. Day by day the ideas of the mercenaries rose higher. For their contempt became supreme when they saw the dismay and excitement in Carthage; their confidence in themselves was profound; and their engagements
with the Roman legions in Sicily had convinced them, that not only was it impossible for the Carthaginians to face them in the field, but that it would be difficult to find any nation in the world who could. Therefore, when the Carthaginians conceded the point of their pay, they made a further claim for the value of the horses they had lost. When this too was conceded, they said that they ought to receive the value of the rations of corn due to them from a long time previous, reckoned at the highest price reached during the war. And in short, the ill-disposed and mutinous among them being numerous, they always found out some new demand which made it impossible to come to terms. Upon the Carthaginian government, however, pledging themselves to the full extent of their powers, they eventually agreed to refer the matter to the arbitration of some one of the generals who had been actually engaged in Sicily. Now they were displeased with Hamilcar Barcas, who was one of those under whom they had fought in Sicily, because they thought that their present unfavourable position was attributable chiefly to him. They thought this from the fact that he never came to them as an ambassador, and had, as was believed, voluntarily resigned his command. But towards Gesco their feelings were altogether friendly. He had, as they thought, taken every possible precaution for their interests, and especially in the arrangements for their conveyance to Libya. Accordingly they referred the dispute to the arbitration of the latter.
[1] ἀμφισβητουμένων. ὃς παραγενόμενος κατὰ θάλατταν μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ προσπλεύσας πρὸς τὸν Τύνητα, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λαμβάνων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συναθροίζων κατὰ γένη τοὺς πολλούς, [2] ἃ μὲν ἐπετίμα περὶ τῶν γεγονότων, ἃ δὲ διδάσκειν ἐπειρᾶτο περὶ τῶν παρόντων: τὸ δὲ πλεῖον παρεκάλει πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς εὔνους ὑπάρχειν τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς μισθοδόταις. [3] τέλος δ᾽ ὥρμησε πρὸς τὸ διαλύειν τὰ προσοφειλόμενα τῶν ὀψωνίων, κατὰ γένη ποιούμενος τὴν μισθοδοσίαν. [4] ἦν δέ τις Καμπανὸς ηὐτομοληκὼς παρὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων δοῦλος, ἔχων σωματικὴν δύναμιν καὶ τόλμαν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς παράβολον, ὄνομα Σπένδιος. [5] οὗτος εὐλαβούμενος μὴ παραγενόμενος αὐτὸν ὁ δεσπότης κομίσηται, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων νόμους αἰκισθεὶς διαφθαρῇ, πᾶν ἐτόλμα καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν, σπουδάζων διακόψαι τὰς διαλύσεις τὰς πρὸς Καρχηδονίους. [6] ἅμα δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Λίβυς τις Μάθως, ὃς ἦν μὲν ἐλεύθερος καὶ τῶν συνεστρατευμένων, πλεῖστα δὲ κεκινηκὼς κατὰ τὰς προειρημένας ταραχάς. ἀγωνιῶν οὖν μὴ τίσῃ καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν λοιπῶν δίκην, ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐγένετο γνώμης τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σπένδιον. [7] καὶ λαμβάνων τοὺς Λίβυας ὑπεδείκνυε διότι μετὰ τὸν ὀψωνιασμὸν χωρισθέντων τῶν ἄλλων γενῶν εἰς τὰς πατρίδας ἀπερείσονται καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ὀργὴν εἰς αὐτοὺς οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ βουλήσονται διὰ τῆς εἰς σφᾶς τιμωρίας ἅπαντας καταπλήξασθαι τοὺς ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ. [8] ταχὺ δὲ προσανασεισθέντες οἱ πολλοὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις λόγοις καὶ λαμβανόμενοι βραχείας ἀφορμῆς ἐκ τοῦ τὸν Γέσκωνα τὰ μὲν ὀψώνια διαλύειν τὰς δὲ τιμὰς τοῦ τε σίτου καὶ τῶν ἵππων ὑπερτίθεσθαι, συνέτρεχον εὐθέως εἰς ἐκκλησίαν. [9] καὶ τοῦ μὲν Σπενδίου καὶ τοῦ Μάθω διαβαλλόντων καὶ κατηγορούντων τοῦ τε Γέσκωνος καὶ τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἤκουον καὶ προσεῖχον ἐπιμελῶς τὸν νοῦν τοῖς λεγομένοις. εἰ δέ τις ἕτερος προπορευθείη συμβουλεύσων, [10] οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο περιμείναντες ἕως τοῦ γνῶναι πότερον ἀντερῶν ἢ συνηγορήσων πάρεστι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σπένδιον, παραχρῆμα βάλλοντες τοῖς λίθοις ἀπέκτεινον. [11] καὶ πολλοὺς δὴ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ κατὰ τὰς συνδρομὰς καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν διέφθειρον. [12] καὶ μόνον τὸ ῥῆμα τοῦτο κοινῇ συνίεσαν τὸ βάλλε διὰ τὸ συνεχῶς αὐτὸ πράττειν. μάλιστα δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίουν, ὁπότε μεθυσθέντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων συνδράμοιεν. [13] διόπερ ὅτε τις ἄρξαιτο βάλλε λέγειν, οὕτως ἐγίνετο πανταχόθεν ἅμα καὶ ταχέως ὥστε μηδένα δύνασθαι διαφυγεῖν τῶν ἅπαξ προελθόντων. [14] πλὴν οὐδενὸς ἔτι τολμῶντος συμβουλεύειν διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν, κατέστησαν αὑτῶν
69. Gesco came to Tunes by sea, bringing the money with him. There he held a meeting first of the officers, and then of the men, according to their nationalities; rebuked them for their past behaviour, and endeavoured to convince them as to their duty in the present: but most of all he dwelt upon their obligation in the future to show themselves well-disposed towards the people whose pay they had been so long enjoying. Finally, he proceeded to discharge the arrears of pay, taking each nationality separately. But there was a certain Campanian in the army, a runaway Roman slave named Spendius, a man of extraordinary physical strength and reckless courage in the field. Alarmed lest his master should recover possession of him, and he should be put to death with torture, in accordance with the laws of Rome, this man exerted himself to the utmost in word and deed to break off the arrangement with the Carthaginians. He was seconded by a Libyan called Mathos, who was not a slave but free, and had actually served in the campaign. But he had been one of the most active agitators in the late disturbances: and being in terror of punishment for the past, he now gave in his adhesion to the party of Spendius; and taking the Libyans aside, suggested to them that, when the men of other races had received their pay, and taken their departure to their several countries, the Carthaginians would wreak upon them the full weight of the resentment which they had, in common with themselves, incurred; and would look upon their punishment as a means of striking terror into all the inhabitants of Libya. It did not take long to rouse the men by such arguments, nor were they at a loss for a pretext, however insignificant. In discharging the pay, Gesco postponed the payment of the valuations of rations and horses. This was enough: the men at once hurried to make a meeting; Spendius and Mathos delivered violent invectives against Gesco and the Carthaginians; their words were received with every sign of approval; no one else could get a hearing; whoever did attempt to speak was promptly stoned to death, without the assembly so much as waiting to ascertain whether he intended to support the party of Spendius or no.