by Polybius
19. A violent struggle at once began: and, as it went on, division after division of the troops in the city came down to support him, until at length the whole force had poured out to take part in the engagement. The Romans who had landed in the night arrived at the critical moment, after a march by an obscure route; and seizing a strong position on some rising ground between the city and the harbour, efficiently cut off from the city the troops that had sallied out. When Demetrius became aware of what had taken place, he desisted from opposing the disembarkation; and having rallied his men and addressed the ranks, he put them in motion, with the resolution of fighting a pitched battle with the troops on the hill. When the Romans saw the Illyrian advance being made in good order and with great spirit, they formed their ranks and charged furiously. At the same moment the Roman troops which had just effected their landing, seeing what was going on, charged the enemy on the rear, who being thus attacked on both sides, were thrown into great disorder and confusion. The result was that, finding both his van and his rear in difficulties, Demetrius fled. Some of his men retreated towards the city; but most of them escaped by bye-paths into various parts of the island. Demetrius himself made his way to some galleys which he kept at anchor at a solitary point on the coast, with a view to every contingency; and going on board, he sailed away at nightfall, and arrived unexpectedly at the court of King Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life: — a man whose undoubted boldness and courage were unsupported by either prudence or judgment. His end was of a piece with the whole tenor of his life; for while endeavouring at the instigation of Philip to seize Messene, he exposed himself during the battle with a careless rashness which cost him his life; of which I shall speak in detail when I come to that period.
The Consul Aemilius having thus taken Pharos at a blow, levelled the city to the ground; and then having become master of all Illyria, and having ordered all its affairs as he thought right, returned towards the end of the summer to Rome, where he celebrated a triumph amid expressions of unmixed approval; for people considered that he had managed this business with great prudence and even greater courage.
[1] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι, προσπεπτωκυίας αὐτοῖς ἤδη τῆς τῶν Ζακανθαίων ἁλώσεως, οὐ μὰ Δία περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τότε διαβούλιον ἦγον, καθάπερ ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων φασί, προσκατατάττοντες ἔτι καὶ τοὺς εἰς ἑκάτερα ῥηθέντας λόγους, πάντων ἀτοπώτατον πρᾶγμα ποιοῦντες. [2] πῶς γὰρ οἷόν τ᾽ ἦν Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ἐνιαυτῷ πρότερον ἐπηγγελκότας πόλεμον Καρχηδονίοις, ἐὰν ἐπιβαίνωσι τῆς Ζακανθαίων χώρας, τούτους κατὰ κράτος ἑαλωκυίας αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως τότε βουλεύεσθαι συνελθόντας πότερα πολεμητέον ἢ τοὐναντίον; [3] πῶς δὲ καὶ τίνα τρόπον ἅμα μὲν τὴν στυγνότητα τοῦ συνεδρίου παρεισάγουσι θαυμάσιον, ἅμα δὲ τοὺς υἱοὺς ἀπὸ δώδεκ᾽ ἐτῶν ἄγειν φασὶ τοὺς πατέρας εἰς τὸ συνέδριον, οὓς μετέχοντας τῶν διαβουλίων οὐδὲ τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐδενὶ προΐεσθαι τῶν ἀπορρήτων οὐδέν; [4] ὧν οὔτ᾽ εἰκὸς οὔτ᾽ ἀληθές ἐστι τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἡ τύχη καὶ τοῦτο προσένειμε Ῥωμαίοις, τὸ φρονεῖν αὐτοὺς εὐθέως ἐκ γενετῆς. [5] πρὸς μὲν οὖν τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν συγγραμμάτων οἷα γράφει Χαιρέας καὶ Σωσύλος οὐδὲν ἂν δέοι πλέον λέγειν: οὐ γὰρ ἱστορίας, ἀλλὰ κουρεακῆς καὶ πανδήμου λαλιᾶς ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι τάξιν ἔχειν καὶ δύναμιν. [6] Ῥωμαῖοι δέ, προσπεσόντος σφίσι τοῦ γεγονότος κατὰ τοὺς Ζακανθαίους ἀτυχήματος, παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς ἑλόμενοι κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐξαπέστειλαν εἰς τὴν Καρχηδόνα, [7] δύο προτείνοντες αὐτοῖς, ὧν τὸ μὲν αἰσχύνην ἅμα καὶ βλάβην ἐδόκει φέρειν δεξαμένοις τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον πραγμάτων καὶ κινδύνων ἀρχὴν μεγάλων. [8] ἢ γὰρ τὸν στρατηγὸν Ἀννίβαν καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ συνέδρους ἐκδότους διδόναι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπέταττον, ἢ προήγγελλον τὸν πόλεμον. [9] παραγενομένων δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ παρελθόντων εἰς τὸ συνέδριον καὶ διασαφούντων ταῦτα, δυσχερῶς ἤκουον οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν προτεινομένων. [10] ὅμως δὲ προστησάμενοι τὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον ἐξ αὑτῶν ἤρξαντο περὶ σφῶν
20. But when news came to Rome of the fall of Saguntum, there was indeed no debate on the question of war, as some historians assert; who even add the speeches delivered on either side. But nothing could be more ridiculous. For is it conceivable that the Romans should have a year before proclaimed war with the Carthaginians in the event of their entering the territory of Saguntum, and yet, when the city itself had been taken, should have debated whether they should go to war or no? Just as absurd are the wonderful statements that the senators put on mourning, and that the fathers introduced their sons above twelve years old into the Senate House, who, being admitted to the debate, refrained from divulging any of its secrets even to their nearest relations. All this is as improbable as it is untrue; unless we are to believe that Fortune, among its other bounties, granted the Romans the privilege of being men of the world from their cradles. I need not waste any more words upon such compositions as those of Chaereas and Sosilus; which, in my judgment, are more like the gossip of the barber’s shop and the pavement than history.
The truth is that, when the Romans heard of the disaster at Saguntum, they at once elected envoys, whom they despatched in all haste to Carthage with the offer of two alternatives, one of which appeared to the Carthaginians to involve disgrace as well as injury if they accepted it, while the other was the beginning of a great struggle and of great dangers. For one of these alternatives was the surrender of Hannibal and his staff to Rome, the other was war. When the Roman envoys arrived and declared their message to the Senate, the choice proposed to them between these alternatives was listened to by the Carthaginians with indignation. Still they selected the most capable of their number to state their case, which was grounded on the following pleas.
[1] δικαιολογεῖσθαι. τὰς μὲν οὖν πρὸς Ἀσδρούβαν ὁμολογίας παρεσιώπων, ὡς οὔτε γεγενημένας, εἴ τε γεγόνασιν, οὐδὲν οὔσας πρὸς αὑτοὺς διὰ τὸ χωρὶς τῆς σφετέρας πεπρᾶχθαι γνώμης. [2] ἐχρῶντο δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰς τοῦτο παραδείγματι. τὰς γὰρ ἐπὶ Λυτατίου γενομένας συνθήκας ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ περὶ Σικελίας, ταύτας ἔφασαν ἤδη συνωμολογημένας ὑπὸ Λυτατίου μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀκύρους ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸ χωρὶς τῆς αὑτοῦ γενέσθαι γνώμης. [3] ἐπίεζον δὲ καὶ προσαπηρείδοντο παρ᾽ ὅλην τὴν δικαιολογίαν ἐπὶ τὰς τελευταίας συνθήκας τὰς γενομένας ἐν τῷ περὶ Σικελίας πολέμῳ. [4] ἐν αἷς περὶ μὲν Ἰβηρίας οὐκ ἔφασαν ὑπάρχειν ἔγγραφον οὐδέν, περὶ
δὲ τοῦ τοῖς ἑκατέρων συμμάχοις τὴν παρ᾽ ἀμφοῖν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι ῥητῶς κατατετάχθαι. [5] Ζακανθαίους δὲ παρεδείκνυον οὐκ ὄντας τότε Ῥωμαίων συμμάχους καὶ παρανεγίνωσκον πρὸς τοῦτο πλεονάκις τὰς συνθήκας. [6] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τοῦ μὲν δικαιολογεῖσθαι καθάπαξ ἀπεγίνωσκον, φάσκοντες ἀκεραίου μὲν ἔτι διαμενούσης τῆς τῶν Ζακανθαίων πόλεως ἐπιδέχεσθαι τὰ πράγματα δικαιολογίαν καὶ δυνατὸν εἶναι λόγῳ περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων διεξάγειν: [7] ταύτης δὲ παρεσπονδημένης ἢ τοὺς αἰτίους ἐκδοτέον εἶναι σφίσι, δι᾽ οὗ φανερὸν ἔσται πᾶσιν ὡς οὐ μετεσχήκασι τῆς ἀδικίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἄνευ τῆς αὑτῶν γνώμης πεπρᾶχθαι τοῦτο τοὔργον, [8] ἢ μὴ βουλομένους τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ὁμολογοῦντας δὲ κοινωνεῖν τῆς ἀδικίας καὶ συναναδέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον. οἱ μὲν οὖν καθολικώτερόν πως ἐχρήσαντο τοῖς λόγοις. [9] ἡμῖν δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ μὴ παραλιπεῖν ἄσκεπτον τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἵνα μήθ᾽ οἷς καθήκει καὶ διαφέρει τὸ σαφῶς εἰδέναι τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἀκρίβειαν, παραπαίωσι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις διαβουλίοις, [10] μήθ᾽ οἱ φιλομαθοῦντες περὶ τούτων ἀστοχῶσι, συμπλανώμενοι ταῖς ἀγνοίαις καὶ φιλοτιμίαις τῶν συγγραφέων, ἀλλ᾽ ᾖ τις ὁμολογουμένη θεωρία τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπαρξάντων δικαίων Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἕως εἰς τοὺς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς καιρούς.
21. Passing over the treaty made with Hasdrubal, as not having ever been made, and, if it had, as not being binding on them because made without their consent (and on this point they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, who in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms agreed upon and accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without their consent) — passing over this, they pressed with all the vehemence they could, throughout the discussion, the last treaty made in the Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that there was no clause relating to Iberia, but one expressly providing security for the allies of both parties to the treaty. Now, they pointed out that the Saguntines at that time were not allies of Rome, and therefore were not protected by the clause. To prove their point, they read the treaty more than once aloud. On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits; but that, that city having been treacherously seized, they had only two alternatives, — either to deliver the persons guilty of the act, and thereby make it clear that they had no share in their crime, and that it was done without their consent; or, if they were not willing to do that, and avowed their complicity in it, to take the consequences.
The question of treaties between Rome and Carthage was referred to in general terms in the course of this debate: but I think a more particular examination of it will be useful both to practical statesmen, who require to know the exact truth of the matter, in order to avoid mistakes in any critical deliberation; and to historical students, that they may not be led astray by the ignorance or partisan bias of historians; but may have before them a conspectus, acknowledged to be accurate, of the various compacts which have been made between Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to our own day.
[1] γίνονται τοιγαροῦν συνθῆκαι Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πρῶται κατὰ Λεύκιον Ἰούνιον Βροῦτον καὶ Μάρκον Ὡράτιον, τοὺς πρώτους κατασταθέντας ὑπάτους μετὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων κατάλυσιν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν συνέβη καθιερωθῆναι καὶ τὸ τοῦ Διὸς ἱερὸν τοῦ Καπετωλίου. [2] ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔστι πρότερα τῆς Ξέρξου διαβάσεως εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τριάκοντ᾽ ἔτεσι λείπουσι δυεῖν. [3] ἃς καθ᾽ ὅσον ἦν δυνατὸν ἀκριβέστατα διερμηνεύσαντες ἡμεῖς ὑπογεγράφαμεν. τηλικαύτη γὰρ ἡ διαφορὰ γέγονε τῆς διαλέκτου καὶ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τῆς νῦν πρὸς τὴν ἀρχαίαν ὥστε τοὺς συνετωτάτους ἔνια μόλις ἐξ ἐπιστάσεως διευκρινεῖν. [4] εἰσὶ δ᾽ αἱ συνθῆκαι τοιαίδε τινές: “1ἐπὶ τοῖσδε φιλίαν “1εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχοις καὶ “1Καρχηδονίοις καὶ τοῖς Καρχηδονίων συμμάχοις: “ [5] 1μὴ πλεῖν Ῥωμαίους μηδὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχους “1ἐπέκεινα τοῦ Καλοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου, ἐὰν μὴ ὑπὸ χει” [6] 1μῶνος ἢ πολεμίων ἀναγκασθῶσιν: ἐὰν δέ τις βίᾳ “1κατενεχθῇ, μὴ ἐξέστω αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀγοράζειν μηδὲ “1λαμβάνειν πλὴν ὅσα πρὸς πλοίου ἐπισκευὴν ἢ πρὸς “ [7;8] 1ἱερά, ἐν πέντε δ᾽ ἡμέραις ἀποτρεχέτω. τοῖς δὲ “1κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν παραγινομένοις μηδὲν ἔστω τέλος “ [9] 1πλὴν ἐπὶ κήρυκι ἢ γραμματεῖ. ὅσα δ᾽ ἂν τούτων “1παρόντων πραθῇ, δημοσίᾳ πίστει ὀφειλέσθω τῷ “1ἀποδομένῳ, ὅσα ἂν ἢ ἐν Λιβύῃ ἢ ἐν Σαρδόνι “ [10] 1πραθῇ. ἐὰν Ῥωμαίων τις εἰς Σικελίαν παρα”1γίνηται, ἧς Καρχηδόνιοι ἐπάρχουσιν, ἴσα ἔστω τὰ “ [11] 1Ῥωμαίων πάντα. Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ μὴ ἀδικείτωσαν “1δῆμον Ἀρδεατῶν, Ἀντιατῶν, Λαρεντίνων, Κιρκαιι”1τῶν, Ταρρακινιτῶν, μηδ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα Λατίνων, “ [12] 1ὅσοι ἂν ὑπήκοοι: ἐὰν δέ τινες μὴ ὦσιν ὑπήκοοι, “1τῶν πόλεων ἀπεχέσθωσαν: ἂν δὲ λάβωσι, Ῥω” [13] 1μαίοις ἀποδιδότωσαν ἀκέραιον. φρούριον μὴ ἐνοι”1κοδομείτωσαν ἐν τῇ Λατίνῃ. ἐὰν ὡς πολέμιοι εἰς “1τὴν χώραν εἰσέλθωσιν, ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ μὴ ἐννυκτερευέτωσαν.”2
22. The first treaty between Rome and Carthage was made in the year of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls appointed after the expulsion of the kings, by which men also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was consecrated. This was twenty-eight years before the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Of this treaty I append a translation, as accurate as I could make it, — for the fact is that the ancient language differs so much from that at present in use, that the best scholars among the Romans themselves have great difficulty in interpreting some points in it, even after much study. The treaty is as follows: —
“There shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies, and the Carthaginians and their allies, on these conditions:
“Neither the Romans nor their allies are to sail beyond the Fair Promontory, unless driven by stress of weather or the fear of enemies. If any one of them be driven ashore he shall not buy or take aught for himself save what is needful for the repair of his ship and the service of the gods, and he shall depart within five days.
“Men landing for traffic shall strike no bargain save in the presence of a herald or town-clerk. Whatever is sold in
the presence of these, let the price be secured to the seller on the credit of the state — that is to say, if such sale be in Libya or Sardinia.
“If any Roman comes to the Carthaginian province in Sicily he shall enjoy all rights enjoyed by others. The Carthaginians shall do no injury to the people of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Tarracina, nor any other people of the Latins that are subject to Rome.
“From those townships even which are not subject to Rome they shall hold their hands; and if they take one shall deliver it unharmed to the Romans. They shall build no fort in Latium; and if they enter the district in arms, they shall not stay a night therein.”
[1] τὸ μὲν οὖν Καλὸν ἀκρωτήριόν ἐστι τὸ προκείμενον αὐτῆς τῆς Καρχηδόνος ὡς πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους: [2] οὗ καθάπαξ ἐπέκεινα πλεῖν ὡς πρὸς μεσημβρίαν οὐκ οἴονται δεῖν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μακραῖς ναυσὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι γινώσκειν αὐτούς, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μήτε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Βυσσάτιν μήτε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν μικρὰν Σύρτιν τόπους, ἃ δὴ καλοῦσιν Ἐμπόρια, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῆς χώρας. [3] ἐὰν δέ τις ὑπὸ χειμῶνος ἢ πολεμίων βίᾳ κατενεχθεὶς δέηταί του τῶν ἀναγκαίων πρὸς ἱερὰ καὶ πρὸς ἐπισκευὴν πλοίου, ταῦτα, πάρεξ δὲ μηδὲν οἴονται δεῖν λαμβάνειν, καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκην ἐν πένθ᾽ ἡμέραις ἀπαλλάττεσθαι τοὺς καθορμισθέντας. [4] εἰς δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου τῆς Λιβύης καὶ Σαρδόνα καὶ Σικελίαν, ἧς ἐπάρχουσι Καρχηδόνιοι, κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν πλεῖν Ῥωμαίοις ἔξεστι, καὶ τὸ δίκαιον ὑπισχνοῦνται βεβαιώσειν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι δημοσίᾳ πίστει. [5] ἐκ δὲ τούτων τῶν συνθηκῶν περὶ μὲν Σαρδόνος καὶ Λιβύης ἐμφαίνουσιν ὡς περὶ ἰδίας ποιούμενοι τὸν λόγον: ὑπὲρ δὲ Σικελίας τἀναντία διαστέλλονται ῥητῶς, ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τούτων ποιούμενοι τὰς συνθήκας, ὅσα τῆς Σικελίας ὑπὸ τὴν Καρχηδονίων πίπτει δυναστείαν. [6] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι περὶ τῆς Λατίνης αὐτῆς χώρας ποιοῦνται τὰς συνθήκας, τῆς δὲ λοιπῆς Ἰταλίας οὐ μνημονεύουσι διὰ τὸ μὴ πίπτειν ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν.