by Polybius
[1] ἀπεχώρησαν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον. ταῦτα δὲ πράξαντες εὐθέως ἔπεμπον οἱ προεστῶτες ἔφοροι τῶν πραγμάτων τοὺς κατηγορήσοντας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καὶ παρακαλέσοντας αὐτὸν ἐπισχεῖν τὴν παρουσίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐκ τοῦ γεγονότος κινήματος εἰς τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν ἔλθῃ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν: γινώσκειν δὲ διότι πρόκειται διατηρεῖν αὐτοῖς πάντα τὰ δίκαια καὶ φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς Μακεδόνας: [2] οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες ἤδη περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος ὄντι τῷ βασιλεῖ διελέχθησαν ἀκολούθως ταῖς ἐντολαῖς. [3] ὁ δὲ διακούσας παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ἥκοντας κατὰ σπουδὴν ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰς οἶκον ἐπάνοδον καὶ δηλοῦν τοῖς ἐφόροις ὅτι κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς πορευθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐν Τεγέᾳ ποιήσεται τὴν στρατοπεδείαν, ἐκείνους δ᾽ οἴεται δεῖν τὴν ταχίστην ἐκπέμπειν ἄνδρας ἀξιοχρέους τοὺς κοινολογησομένους πρὸς αὑτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. [4] ποιησάντων δὲ τὸ προσταχθὲν τῶν ἀπαντησάντων, διακούσαντες τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων [5] ἐξέπεμψαν ἄνδρας δέκα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον οἳ καὶ πορευθέντες εἰς τὴν Τεγέαν καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως συνέδριον, Ὠμίου προεστῶτος αὐτῶν, κατηγόρησαν μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀδείμαντον ὡς αἰτίων γεγονότων τῆς κινήσεως, [6] πάντα δ᾽ ὑπισχνοῦνται ποιήσειν αὐτοὶ τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν, καὶ μηδενὸς ἐν μηδενὶ φανήσεσθαι δεύτεροι κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν τῶν δοκούντων ἀληθινῶν αὐτῷ φίλων ὑπάρχειν. [7] οἱ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦτα καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διαλεχθέντες μετέστησαν, οἱ δὲ μετέχοντες τοῦ συνεδρίου διεφέροντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ταῖς γνώμαις. [8] καὶ τινὲς μέν, εἰδότες τὴν κακοπραγμοσύνην τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καὶ πεπεισμένοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀδείμαντον ἀπολωλέναι διὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὔνοιαν, τούς τε Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπιβεβλῆσθαι κοινοπραγεῖν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, συνεβούλευον τῷ Φιλίππῳ παράδειγμα ποιῆσαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, χρησάμενον αὐτοῖς τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὅνπερ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐχρήσατο Θηβαίοις εὐθέως παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν: [9] ἕτεροι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τὴν μὲν τοιαύτην ὀργὴν βαρυτέραν ἀπέφαινον εἶναι τῶν γεγονότων, ἐπιτιμῆσαι δὲ δεῖν τοῖς αἰτίοις, καὶ μεταστησάμενον τούτους ἐγχειρίσαι τὸ πολίτευμα καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοῖς αὑτοῦ
23. Immediately after the commission of this crime, the Ephors who were then in power sent men to Philip, to accuse the victims of this massacre; and to beg him to delay his approach, until the affairs of the city had returned to their normal state after this commotion; and to be assured meanwhile that it was their purpose to be loyal and friendly to the Macedonians in every respect. These ambassadors found Philip near Mount Parthenius, and communicated to him their commission. Having listened, he bade the ambassadors make all haste home, and inform the Ephors that he was going to continue his march to Tegea, and expected that they would as quickly as possible send him men of credit to consult with him on the present position of affairs. After hearing this message from the king, the Lacedaemonian officers despatched ten commissioners headed by Omias to meet Philip; who, on arriving at Tegea, and entering the king’s council chamber, accused Adeimantus of being the cause of the late commotion; and promised that they would perform all their obligations as allies to Philip, and show that they were second to none of those whom he looked upon as his most loyal friends, in their affection for his person. With these and similar asseverations the Lacedaemonian commissioners left the council chamber. The members of the council were divided in opinion: one party knowing the secret treachery of the Spartan magistrates, and feeling certain that Adeimantus had lost his life from his loyalty to Macedonia, while the Lacedaemonians had really determined upon an alliance with the Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of the Lacedaemonians, by treating them precisely as Alexander had treated the Thebans, immediately after his assumption of his sovereignty. But another party, consisting of the older counsellors, sought to show that such severity was too great for the occasion, and that all that ought to be done was to rebuke the offenders, depose them, and put the management of the state and the chief offices in the hands of his own friends.
[1] φίλοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, εἰ χρὴ τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν τὰς τότε γνώμας: οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς ἑπτακαιδεκαέτη παῖδα περὶ τηλικούτων δύνασθαι πραγμάτων διευκρινεῖν. [2] ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῖν μὲν καθήκει τοῖς γράφουσι τὰς κυρούσας τὰ διαβούλια γνώμας ἀνατιθέναι τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν ὅλων: τοὺς μέντοι γ᾽ ἀκούοντας αὐτοὺς χρὴ συνυπονοεῖν διότι τῶν συνόντων καὶ μάλιστα τῶν παρακειμένων εἰκός ἐστιν εἶναι τὰς τοιαύτας ὑποθέσεις καὶ διαλήψεις: [3] ὧν Ἀράτῳ τις ἐπιεικέστατ᾽ ἂν προσάπτοι τὴν τότε ῥηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην. [4] ὁ γὰρ Φίλιππος τὰ μὲν κατ᾽ ἰδίαν τῶν συμμάχων εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀδικήματα καθήκειν ἔφησεν αὑτῷ μέχρι λόγου καὶ γραμμάτων διορθοῦν καὶ συνεπισημαίνεσθαι, [5] τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν ἀνήκοντα συμμαχίαν, ταῦτ᾽ ἔφη μόνα δεῖν κοινῆς ἐπιστροφῆς καὶ διορθώσεως τυγχάνειν ὑπὸ πάντων. [6] Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ μηδὲν εἰς τὴν κοινὴν συμμαχίαν ἐκφανὲς ἡμαρτηκότων, ἐπαγγελλομένων δὲ πάντα καὶ ποιεῖν τὰ δίκαια πρὸς ἡμᾶς, οὐ καλῶς ἔχον εἶναι τὸ βουλεύεσθαί τι περὶ αὐτῶν ἀπαραίτητον: [7] καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπον τὸν μὲν πατέρα πολεμίων ὄντων κρατήσαντα μηδὲν ποιῆσαι δεινόν, αὐτὸν δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ οὕτω μικρᾶς αἰτίας ἀνήκεστόν τι βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν. [8] ἐπικυρωθείσης δὲ ταύτης τῆς γνώμης, ὅτι δεῖ παριδεῖν τὸ γεγονός, εὐθέως ὁ βασιλεὺς Πετραῖον τῶν αὑτοῦ φίλων ἅμα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ὠμίαν ἐξαπέστελλε παρακαλέσοντα τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὑτὸν καὶ Μακεδόνας εὐνοίας, ἅμα δὲ δώσοντα καὶ ληψόμενον τοὺς ὅρκους περὶ συμμαχίαν. [9] αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας προῆγε πάλιν ὡς ἐπὶ Κορίνθου, καλὸν δεῖγμα τῆς
ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐκτιθέμενος ἐν τῇ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀποφάσει.
24. The king gave the final decision, if that decision may be called the king’s: for it is not reasonable to suppose that a mere boy should be able to come to a decision on matters of such moment. Historians, however, must attribute to the highest official present the final decisions arrived at: it being thoroughly understood among their readers that propositions and opinions, such as these, in all probability proceed from the members of the council, and particularly from those highest in his confidence. In this case the decision of the king ought most probably to be attributed to Aratus. It was to this effect: the king said that “in the case of injuries inflicted by the allies upon each other separately, his intervention ought to be confined to a remonstrance by word of mouth or letter; but that it was only injuries affecting the whole body of the allies which demanded joint intervention and redress: and seeing that the Lacedaemonians had plainly committed no such injury against the whole body of allies, but professed their readiness to satisfy every claim that could with justice be made upon them, he held that he ought not to decree any measure of excessive severity against them. For it would be very inconsistent for him to take severe measures against them for so insignificant a cause; while his father inflicted no punishment at all upon them, though when he conquered them they were not allies but professed enemies.” It having, therefore, been formally decided to overlook the incident, the king immediately sent Petraeus, one of his most trusted friends, with Omias, to exhort the people to remain faithful to their friendship with him and Macedonia, and to interchange oaths of alliance; while he himself started once more with his army and returned towards Corinth, having in his conduct to the Lacedaemonians given an excellent specimen of his policy towards the allies.
[1] καταλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν συμμαχίδων παραγεγονότας εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον, συνήδρευε καὶ διελάμβανε μετὰ τούτων τί δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ πῶς χρήσασθαι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. [2] ἐγκαλούντων δὲ Βοιωτῶν μὲν ὅτι συλήσαιεν τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Ἰτωνίας ἱερὸν εἰρήνης ὑπαρχούσης, Φωκέων δὲ διότι στρατεύσαντες ἐπ᾽ Ἄμβρυσον καὶ Δαύλιον ἐπιβάλοιντο καταλαβέσθαι τὰς πόλεις, [3] Ἠπειρωτῶν δὲ καθότι πορθήσαιεν αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν, Ἀκαρνάνων δὲ παραδεικνυόντων τίνα τρόπον συστησάμενοι πρᾶξιν ἐπὶ Θύριον νυκτὸς ἔτι καὶ προσβαλεῖν τολμήσαιεν τῇ πόλει, [4] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἀχαιῶν ἀπολογιζομένων ὡς καταλάβοιντο μὲν τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος Κλάριον, πορθήσαιεν δὲ διεξιόντες τὴν Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων χώραν, διαρπάσαιεν δὲ Κύναιθαν, συλήσαιεν δὲ τὸ τῆς ἐν Λούσοις Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν, πολιορκήσαιεν δὲ Κλειτορίους, ἐπιβουλεύσαιεν δὲ κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν Πύλῳ, κατὰ δὲ γῆν ἄρτι συνοικιζομένῃ τῇ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν πόλει σπεύδοντες μετὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἀνάστατον αὐτὴν ποιῆσαι, [5] διακούσαντες τούτων οἱ τῶν συμμάχων σύνεδροι πάντες ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐκφέρειν ἐβουλεύσαντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸν πόλεμον. [6] προθέμενοι δὲ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας ἐν τῷ δόγματι παρακατεβάλοντο ψήφισμα, προσδιασαφοῦντες ὅτι συνανασώσουσι τοῖς συμμάχοις, εἴ τινα κατέχουσιν αὐτῶν Αἰτωλοὶ χώραν ἢ πόλιν ἀφ᾽ οὗ Δημήτριος ὁ Φιλίππου κατὰ φύσιν πατὴρ μετήλλαξε: [7] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν καιρῶν ἠναγκασμένους ἀκουσίως μετέχειν τῆς Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτείας, ὅτι πάντας τούτους ἀποκαταστήσουσιν εἰς τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύματα, χώραν ἔχοντας καὶ πόλεις τὰς αὑτῶν, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, ἐλευθέρους ὄντας, πολιτείαις καὶ νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις. [8] συνανακομιεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν ἔγραψαν τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξουσίαν, ἣν Αἰτωλοὶ παρῄρηνται νῦν, βουλόμενοι τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπικρατεῖν αὐτοί.
25. When he arrived at Corinth he found the envoys from the allied cities already there; and in consultation with them he discussed the measures to be taken in regard to the Aetolians. The complaints against them were stated by the various envoys. The Boeotians accused them of plundering the temple of Athene at Itone in time of peace: the Phocians of having attacked and attempted to seize the cities of Ambrysus and Daulium: the Epirotes of having committed depredations in their territory. The Acarnanians showed how they had contrived a plot for the betrayal of Thyrium into their hands, and had gone so far as to actually assault it under cover of night. The Achaeans made a statement showing that they had seized Clarium in the territory of Megalopolis; traversed the territories of Patrae and Pharae, pillaging the country as they went; completely sacked Cynaetha; plundered the temple of Artemis in Lusi; laid siege to Cleitor; attempted Pylus by sea, and Megalopolis by land, doing all they could by aid of the Illyrians to lay waste the latter after its recent restoration. After listening to these depositions, the congress of allies unanimously decided to go to war with the Aetolians. A decree was, therefore, formulated in which the aforesaid causes for war were stated as a preamble, and a declaration sub-joined of their intention of restoring to the several allies any portion of their territory seized by the Aetolians since the death of Demetrius, father of Philip; and similarly of restoring to their ancestral forms of government all states that had been compelled against their will to join the Aetolian league; with full possession of their own territory and cities; subject to no foreign garrison or tribute; in complete independence; and in enjoyment of their own constitutions and laws. Finally a clause in the decree declared their intention of assisting the Amphictyonic council to restore the laws, and to recover its control of the Delphic temple, wrested from it by the Aetolians, who were determined to keep in their own hands all that belonged to that temple.
[1] τούτου δὲ τοῦ δόγματος κυρωθέντος κατὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος ὁ μὲν συμμαχικὸς προσαγορευόμενος πόλεμος ἀρχὴν εἰλήφει δικαίαν καὶ πρέπουσαν τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἀδικήμασιν. [2] οἱ δὲ σύνεδροι παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους, ἵνα παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις διὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπικυρωθέντος τοῦ δόγματος ἐκφέρωσι πάντες τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας πόλεμον. [3] ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ὁ Φίλιππος, διασαφῶν ἵν᾽ εἴ τι λέγειν ἔχουσι δίκαιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων, ἔτι καὶ νῦν συνελθόντες διὰ λόγου ποιῶνται τὴν διεξαγωγήν: εἰ δ᾽ ὑπειλήφασι, [4] διότι χωρὶς κοινοῦ δόγματος λεηλατοῦσι καὶ πορθοῦσι πάντας, οὐκ ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἀδικουμένους, ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀμύνωνται, νομισθήσεσθαι
τούτους κατάρχειν τοῦ πολέμου, πάντων αὐτοὺς εὐηθεστάτους εἶναι. [5] κομισάμενοι δ᾽ οἱ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἄρχοντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ταύτην, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐλπίσαντες οὐχ ἥξειν τὸν Φίλιππον, συνέθεντο ῥητὴν ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ πρὸς τὸ Ῥίον ἀπαντήσουσι. [6] γνόντες δὲ παραγινόμενον, ἀπέστειλαν γραμματοφόρον διασαφοῦντες ὡς οὐ δύνανται πρὸ τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συνόδου δι᾽ αὑτῶν οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων οἰκονομεῖν. [7] οἱ δ᾽ Ἀχαιοὶ συνελθόντες εἰς τὴν καθήκουσαν σύνοδον τό τε δόγμα πάντες ἐπεκύρωσαν καὶ τὸ λάφυρον ἐπεκήρυξαν κατὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. [8] προσελθόντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐν Αἰγίῳ καὶ διαλεχθέντος διὰ πλειόνων, τὰ ῥηθέντα μετ᾽ εὐνοίας ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ τὰ προϋπάρχοντα φιλάνθρωπα τοῖς προγόνοις ἀνενεώσαντο πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν Φίλιππον.