by Polybius
33. I am aware, however, that a similar profession has been made by many other historians of an intention to write a universal history, and of undertaking a work on a larger scale than their predecessors. About these writers, putting out of the question Ephorus, the first and only man who has really attempted a universal history, I will not mention any name or say more about them than this, — that several of my contemporaries, while professing to write a universal history have imagined that they could tell the story of the war of Rome and Carthage in three or four pages. Yet every one knows that events more numerous or important were never accomplished in Iberia, Libya, Sicily, and Italy than in that war; and that the Hannibalian war was the most famous and lasting of any that has taken place except the Sicilian. So momentous was it, that all the rest of the world were compelled to watch it in terrified expectation of what would follow from its final catastrophe. Yet some of these writers, without even giving as many details of it as those who, after the manner of the vulgar, inscribe rude records of events on house walls, pretend to have embraced the whole of Greek and foreign history. The truth of the matter is, that it is a very easy matter to profess to undertake works of the greatest importance; but by no means so simple a matter in practice to attain to any excellence. The former is open to every one with the requisite audacity: the latter is rare, and is given to few. So much for those who use pompous language about themselves and their historical works. I will now return to my narrative.
[1] ὡς γὰρ θᾶττον Πτολεμαῖος ὁ κληθεὶς Φιλοπάτωρ, μεταλλάξαντος τοῦ πατρός, ἐπανελόμενος τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μάγαν καὶ τοὺς τούτῳ συνεργοῦντας παρέλαβε τὴν τῆς Αἰγύπτου δυναστείαν, [2] νομίσας τῶν μὲν οἰκείων φόβων ἀπολελύσθαι δι᾽ αὑτοῦ καὶ διὰ τῆς προειρημένης πράξεως, τῶν δ᾽ ἐκτὸς κινδύνων ἀπηλλάχθαι διὰ τὴν τύχην, Ἀντιγόνου μὲν καὶ Σελεύκου μετηλλαχότων, Ἀντιόχου δὲ καὶ Φιλίππου τῶν διαδεδεγμένων τὰς ἀρχὰς παντάπασι νέων καὶ μόνον οὐ παίδων ὑπαρχόντων, [3] καταπιστεύσας διὰ ταῦτα τοῖς παροῦσι καιροῖς, πανηγυρικώτερον διῆγε τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχήν, [4] ἀνεπίστατον μὲν καὶ δυσέντευκτον αὑτὸν παρασκευάζων τοῖς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον χειρίζουσιν, ὀλίγωρον δὲ καὶ ῥᾴθυμον ὑποδεικνύων τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων διατεταγμένοις, [5] ὑπὲρ ὧν οἱ πρότερον οὐκ ἐλάττω, μείζω δ᾽ ἐποιοῦντο σπουδὴν ἢ περὶ τῆς κατ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν Αἴγυπτον δυναστείας. [6] τοιγαροῦν ἐπέκειντο μὲν τοῖς τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῦσι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, Κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Κύπρου κυριεύοντες: [7] παρέκειντο δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυνάσταις, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταῖς νήσοις, δεσπόζοντες τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων πόλεων καὶ τόπων καὶ λιμένων κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν παραλίαν ἀπὸ Παμφυλίας ἕως Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῶν κατὰ Λυσιμάχειαν τόπων: [8] ἐφήδρευον δὲ τοῖς ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πράγμασι, τῶν κατ᾽ Αἶνον καὶ Μαρώνειαν καὶ πορρώτερον ἔτι πόλεων κυριεύοντες. [9] καὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ μακρὰν ἐκτετακότες τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ προβεβλημένοι πρὸ αὑτῶν ἐκ πολλοῦ τὰς δυναστείας, οὐδέποτε περὶ τῆς κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἠγωνίων ἀρχῆς. διὸ καὶ τὴν σπουδὴν εἰκότως μεγάλην ἐποιοῦντο περὶ τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων. [10] ὁ δὲ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς ὀλιγώρως ἕκαστα τούτων χειρίζων διὰ τοὺς ἀπρεπεῖς ἔρωτας καὶ τὰς ἀλόγους καὶ συνεχεῖς μέθας, εἰκότως ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς ἅμα καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιβούλους εὗρε καὶ πλείους, [11] ὧν ἐγένετο πρῶτος Κλεομένης ὁ Σπαρτιάτης.
34. Immediately after his father’s death, Ptolemy Philopator put his brother Magas and his partisans to death, and took possession of the throne of Egypt. He thought that he had now freed himself by this act from domestic danger; and that by the deaths of Antigonus and Seleucus, and their being respectively succeeded by mere children like Antiochus and Philip, fortune had released him from danger abroad. He therefore felt secure of his position and began conducting his reign as though it were a perpetual festival. He would attend to no business, and would hardly grant an interview to the officials about the court, or at the head of the administrative departments in Egypt. Even his agents abroad found him entirely careless and indifferent; though his predecessors, far from taking less interest in foreign affairs, had generally given them precedence over those of Egypt itself. For being masters of Coele-Syria and Cyprus, they maintained a threatening attitude towards the kings of Syria, both by land and sea; and were also in a commanding position in regard to the princes of Asia, as well as the islands, through their possession of the most splendid cities, strongholds, and harbours all along the sea-coast from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and the district round Lysimachia. Moreover they were favourably placed for an attack upon Thrace and Macedonia from their possession of Aenus, Maroneia, and more distant cities still. And having thus stretched forth their hands to remote regions, and long ago strengthened their position by a ring of princedoms, these kings had never been anxious about their rule in Egypt; and had naturally, therefore, given great attention to foreign politics. But when Philopator, absorbed in unworthy intrigues, and senseless and continuous drunkenness, treated these several branches of government with equal indifference, it was naturally not long before more than one was found to lay plots against his life as well as his power: of whom the first was Cleomenes, the Spartan.
[1] οὗτος γάρ, ἕως μὲν ὁ προσαγορευόμενος Εὐεργέτης ἔζη, πρὸς ὃν ἐποιήσατο τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τὰς πίστεις, ἦγε τὴν ἡσυχίαν, πεπεισμένος ἀεὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνου τεύξεσθαι τῆς καθηκούσης ἐπικουρίας εἰς τὸ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀνακτήσασθαι βασιλείαν: [2] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος μὲν μετήλλαξε, προῄει δ᾽ ὁ χρόνος, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καιροὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματος ἐκάλουν τὸν Κλεομένην, μετηλλαχότος μὲν Ἀντιγόνου, πολεμουμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, κοινωνούντων δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Αἰτωλοῖς τῆς πρὸς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Μακεδόνας ἀπεχθείας κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιβολὴν καὶ πρόθεσιν τὴν Κλεομένους, [3] τότε δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ἠναγκάζετο σπεύδειν καὶ φιλοτιμεῖσθαι περὶ τῆς ἐξ Ἀλεξανδρείας ἀπαλλαγῆς. [4] διόπερ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐντεύξεις ἐποιεῖτο, παρακαλῶν μετὰ χορηγίας τῆς καθηκούσης καὶ δυνάμεως αὐτὸν ἐκπέμψαι, [5] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρακουόμενος ἠξίου μετὰ δεήσεως μόνον αὐτὸν ἀπολῦσαι μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν: τοὺς γὰρ και�
�οὺς ἱκανὰς ὑποδεικνύειν ἀφορμὰς αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ καθικέσθαι τῆς πατρῴας ἀρχῆς. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεύς, [6] οὔτ᾽ ἐφιστάνων [ἐν] οὐδενὶ τῶν τοιούτων οὔτε προνοούμενος τοῦ μέλλοντος διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, εὐήθως καὶ ἀλόγως ἀεὶ παρήκουε τοῦ Κλεομένους. [7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Σωσίβιον — οὗτος γὰρ μάλιστα τότε προεστάτει τῶν πραγμάτων — συνεδρεύσαντες τοιαύτας τινὰς ἐποιήσαντο περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλήψεις. [8] μετὰ μὲν γὰρ στόλου καὶ χορηγίας ἐκπέμπειν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔκρινον, καταφρονοῦντες τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ μετηλλαχέναι τὸν Ἀντίγονον καὶ νομίζειν μάταιον αὑτοῖς ἔσεσθαι τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην. [9] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἠγωνίων μή ποτε μετηλλαχότος μὲν Ἀντιγόνου, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν μηδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος ἀντιπάλου, ταχέως ἀκονιτὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ποιησάμενος ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν βαρὺς καὶ φοβερὸς αὐτὸς ὁ Κλεομένης ἀνταγωνιστὴς σφίσι γένηται, [10] τεθεαμένος μὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐγὰς αὐτῶν τὰ πράγματα, κατεγνωκὼς δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, θεωρῶν δὲ πολλὰ τὰ παρακρεμάμενα μέρη καὶ μακρὰν ἀπεσπασμένα τῆς βασιλείας καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἔχοντα πρὸς πραγμάτων λόγον: [11] καὶ γὰρ ναῦς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Σάμον ἦσαν τόποις οὐκ ὀλίγαι καὶ στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ Ἔφεσον. [12] διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ὥστ᾽ ἐκπέμπειν αὐτὸν μετὰ χορηγίας, ἀπεδοκίμασαν διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας: τό γε μὴν ὀλιγωρήσαντας ἄνδρα τοιοῦτον ἐξαποστεῖλαι, πρόδηλον ἐχθρὸν καὶ πολέμιον, οὐδαμῶς ἡγοῦντο σφίσι συμφέρειν. [13] λοιπὸν ἦν ἄκοντα κατέχειν. τοῦτο δ᾽ αὐτόθεν καὶ χωρὶς λόγου πάντες μὲν ἀπεδοκίμαζον, οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς νομίζοντες εἶναι λέοντι καὶ προβάτοις ὁμοῦ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔπαυλιν: μάλιστα δὲ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ὁ Σωσίβιος ὑφεωρᾶτο διά τινα τοιαύτην αἰ
35. As long as Euergetes was alive, with whom he had agreed to make an alliance and confederacy, Cleomenes took no steps. But upon that monarch’s death, seeing that the time was slipping away, and that the peculiar position of affairs in Greece seemed almost to cry aloud for Cleomenes, — for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved in war, and the Lacedaemonians were at one with the Aetolians in hostility to the Achaeans and Macedonians, which was the policy originally adopted by Cleomenes, — then, indeed, he was actually compelled to use some expedition, and to bestir himself to secure his departure from Alexandria. First therefore, in interviews with the king, he urged him to send him out with the needful amount of supplies and troops; but not being listened to in this request, he next begged him earnestly to let him go alone with his own servants; for he affirmed that the state of affairs was such as to show him sufficient opportunities for recovering his ancestral throne. The king, however, for the reasons I have mentioned, taking absolutely no interest in such matters, nor exercising any foresight whatever, continued with extraordinary folly and blindness to neglect the petitions of Cleomenes. But the party of Sosibius, the leading statesman at the time, took counsel together, and agreed on the following course of action in regard to him. They decided not to send him out with a fleet and supplies; for, owing to the death of Antigonus, they took little account of foreign affairs, and thought money spent on such things would be thrown away. Besides, they were afraid that since Antigonus was dead, and no one was left who could balance him, Cleomenes might, if he got Greece into his power quickly and without trouble, prove a serious and formidable rival to themselves; especially as he had had a clear view of Egyptian affairs, had learnt to despise the king; and had discovered that the kingdom had many parts loosely attached, and widely removed from the centre, and presenting many facilities for revolutionary movements: for not a few of their ships were at Samos, and a considerable force of soldiers at Ephesus. These considerations induced them to reject the idea of sending Cleomenes out with supplies; for they thought it by no means conducive to their interests to carelessly let a man go, who was certain to be their opponent and enemy. The other proposal was to keep him there against his will; but this they all rejected at once without discussion, on the principle that the lion and the flock could not safely share the same stall. Sosibius himself took the lead in regarding this idea with aversion, and his reason was this.
[1] τίαν. καθ᾽ ὃν γὰρ καιρὸν ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τοῦ Μάγα καὶ τῆς Βερενίκης, ἀγωνιῶντες μὴ διασφαλῶσι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν Βερενίκης τόλμαν, ἠναγκάζοντο πάντας αἰκάλλειν τοὺς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ πᾶσιν ὑπογράφειν ἐλπίδας, ἐὰν κατὰ λόγον αὐτοῖς χωρήσῃ τὰ πράγματα. [2] τότε δὴ κατανοῶν ὁ Σωσίβιος τὸν Κλεομένην δεόμενον μὲν τῆς ἐκ τῶν βασιλέων ἐπικουρίας, ἔχοντα δὲ γνώμην καὶ πραγμάτων ἀληθινὴν ἔννοιαν, ὑπογράφων αὐτῷ μεγάλας ἐλπίδας ἅμα συμμετέδωκε τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. [3] θεωρῶν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Κλεομένης ἐξεπτοημένον καὶ μάλιστα δεδιότα τοὺς ξένους καὶ μισθοφόρους, θαρρεῖν παρεκάλει: τοὺς γὰρ μισθοφόρους βλάψειν μὲν αὐτὸν οὐδέν, ὠφελήσειν δ᾽ ὑπισχνεῖτο. [4] μᾶλλον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ θαυμάσαντος τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν “οὐχ ὁρᾷς” ἔφη “διότι σχεδὸν εἰς τρισχιλίους εἰσὶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ξένοι καὶ Κρῆτες εἰς χιλίους, οἷς ἐὰν νεύσωμεν ἡμεῖς μόνον, ἑτοίμως ὑπουργήσουσι πάντες; τούτων δὲ συστραφέντων, τίνας ἀγωνιᾷς; [5] ἢ δῆλον” ἔφη “τοὺς ἀπὸ Συρίας καὶ Καρίας στρατιώτας;” [6] τότε μὲν οὖν ἡδέως ὁ Σωσίβιος ἀκούσας ταῦτα διπλασίως ἐπερρώσθη πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῆς Βερενίκης πρᾶξιν: [7] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θεωρῶν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ῥᾳθυμίαν, ἀεὶ τὸν λόγον ἀνενεοῦτο, καὶ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τήν τε τοῦ Κλεομένους τόλμαν ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὴν τῶν ξένων πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν. [8] διὸ καὶ τότε μάλιστα παρέστησε τῷ τε βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ὁρμὴν οὗτος εἰς τὸ προκαταλαβέσθαι καὶ συγκλεῖσαι τὸν Κλεομένην. [9] πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ταύτην