by Polybius
But I must make my readers acquainted with the position of the royal family of Syria as I have already done with that of Egypt; and in order to do so, I will go back to the succession of Antiochus to the throne, and give a summary of events from that point to the beginning of the war of which I am to speak.
Antiochus was the younger son of Seleucus Callinicus; and on the death of his father, and the succession in right of seniority of his brother Seleucus to the throne, he at first removed to upper Asia and lived there. But Seleucus having been treacherously assassinated after crossing Mount Taurus with his army, as I have already related, he succeeded to the throne himself; and made Achaeus governor of Asia on this side Taurus, Molon and his brother Alexander guardians of his dominions in upper Asia, — Molon acting as Satrap of Media, his brother of Persia.
[1] Περσίδος. οἳ καταφρονήσαντες μὲν αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἐλπίσαντες δὲ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἔσεσθαι κοινωνὸν σφίσι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, μάλιστα δὲ φοβούμενοι τὴν ὠμότητα καὶ κακοπραγμοσύνην τὴν Ἑρμείου τοῦ τότε προεστῶτος τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων, ἀφίστασθαι καὶ διαστρέφειν ἐνεχείρησαν τὰς ἄνω σατραπείας. ὁ δ᾽ Ἑρμείας ἦν μὲν ἀπὸ Καρίας, [2] ἐπέστη δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα, Σελεύκου τἀδελφοῦ ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν πίστιν ἐγχειρίσαντος, καθ᾽ οὓς καιροὺς ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν ἄτταλον στρατείαν. [3] τυχὼν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἐξουσίας πᾶσι μὲν ἐφθόνει τοῖς ἐν ὑπεροχαῖς οὖσι τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, φύσει δ᾽ ὠμὸς ὢν τῶν μὲν τὰς ἀγνοίας ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐκδεχόμενος ἐκόλαζε, τοῖς δὲ χειροποιήτους καὶ ψευδεῖς ἐπιφέρων αἰτίας ἀπαραίτητος ἦν καὶ πικρὸς δικαστής. [4] μάλιστα δ᾽ ἔσπευδε καὶ περὶ παντὸς ἐποιεῖτο βουλόμενος ἐπανελέσθαι τὸν ἀποκομίσαντα τὰς δυνάμεις τὰς Σελεύκῳ συνεξελθούσας Ἐπιγένην, διὰ τὸ θεωρεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν δυνάμενον καὶ μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἀξιούμενον παρὰ ταῖς δυνάμεσιν. [5] ὢν δὲ ταύτης τῆς προθέσεως ἐπεῖχε, βουλόμενος ἀεί τινος ὁρμῆς ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ προφάσεως κατὰ τοῦ προειρημένου. [6] ἁθροισθέντος δὲ τοῦ συνεδρίου περὶ τῆς τοῦ Μόλωνος ἀποστάσεως, καὶ κελεύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν ἕκαστον τὸ φαινόμενον περὶ τοῦ πῶς δεῖ χρῆσθαι τοῖς κατὰ τοὺς ἀποστάτας πράγμασι, [7] καὶ πρώτου συμβουλεύοντος Ἐπιγένους διότι δεῖ μὴ μέλλειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ χειρὸς ἔχεσθαι τῶν προκειμένων, καὶ πρῶτον καὶ μάλιστα τὸν βασιλέα συνάπτειν τοῖς τόποις καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς εἶναι τοὺς καιρούς: [8] οὕτως γὰρ ἢ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ τολμήσειν ἀλλοτριοπραγεῖν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Μόλωνα, τοῦ βασιλέως παρόντος καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐν ὄψει γενομένου μετὰ συμμέτρου δυνάμεως, [9] ἢ κἂν ὅλως τολμήσωσι καὶ μείνωσιν ἐπὶ τῆς προθέσεως, ταχέως αὐτοὺς συναρπασθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχλων ὑποχειρίους παραδοθήσεσθαι τῷ
41. These two brothers despising the king for his youth, and hoping that Achaeus would join in their treason, but most of all because they dreaded the cruel character and malign influence of Hermeias, who was at that time the chief minister of the entire kingdom, formed the design of revolting themselves and causing the upper Satrapies to revolt also.
This Hermeias was a Carian and had obtained his power by the appointment of the king’s brother Seleucus, who had entrusted it to him when he was setting out on his expedition to the Taurus. Invested with this authority he at once began to display jealousy of all those about the court who were in any way prominent; and being cruel by nature he inflicted punishment on some for acts of ignorance, on which he always managed to place the worst interpretation; while against others he brought trumped-up and lying charges, and then acted towards them the part of an inflexible and harsh judge. But his chief end and object was to secure the destruction of Epigenes who had brought home the forces which had accompanied Seleucus; because he saw that he was a man of eloquence and practical ability, and highly acceptable to the army. With this design he was ever on the watch to lay hold of some handle or pretext against him. Accordingly when a council was summoned on the subject of Molon’s revolt, and when the king bade each councillor deliver his opinion on the measures to be taken against the rebels, Epigenes spoke first and urged that “there ought to be no delay, but the matter should be taken in hand at once; and that, first and foremost, the king should go in person to the district, and be ready to seize the right moments for action. For the actual presence of the king, and his appearance at the head of an army before the eyes of the common people, would prevent the party of Molon from venturing upon revolutionary measures at all; or if they had the audacity to do so, and persisted in their design, they would be quickly arrested by the populace and handed over into the king’s power.”
[1] βασιλεῖ: ταῦτα λέγοντος ἔτι τοῦ προειρημένου διοργισθεὶς Ἑρμείας πολὺν ἔφησεν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐπίβουλον ὄντα καὶ προδότην τῆς βασιλείας διαλεληθέναι, [2] νῦν δὲ καλῶς ποιοῦντα φανερὸν ἐκ τῆς συμβουλῆς γεγονέναι, σπουδάζοντα μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐγχειρίσαι τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως σῶμα τοῖς ἀποστάταις. [3] τότε μὲν οὖν οἷον ὑποθύψας τὴν διαβολὴν παρῆκε τὸν Ἐπιγένην, πικρίαν ἄκαιρον μᾶλλον ἢ δυσμένειαν ἐπιφήνας: [4] αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Μόλωνα στρατείαν, κατάφοβος ὢν τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐξέκλινε διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν τῶν πολεμικῶν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐσπούδαζε στρατεύειν, ἀσφαλῆ τοῦτον εἶναι πεπεισμένος τὸν πόλεμον διὰ τὴν τοῦ προειρημένου βασιλέως ῥᾳθυμίαν. [5] τότε μὲν οὖν καταπληξάμενος τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πάντας ἐπὶ μὲν τὸν Μόλωνα στρατηγοὺς ἐξέπεμψε μετὰ δυνάμεως Ξένωνα καὶ Θεόδοτον τὸν ἡμιόλιον, τὸν δ᾽ Ἀντίοχον παρώξυνε συνεχῶς, οἰόμενος δεῖν ἐπιβάλλειν τὰς χεῖρας τοῖς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν πράγμασι, [6] μόνως οὕτως ὑπολαμβάνων, εἰ πανταχόθεν τῷ νεανίσκῳ περισταίη πόλεμος, οὔτε τῶν πρότερον ἡμαρτημένων ὑφέξειν δίκας οὔτε τῆς παρούσης ἐξουσίας κωλυθήσεσθαι διὰ τὰς χρείας καὶ τοὺς ἀεὶ περιισταμένους ἀγῶνας τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ κινδύνους. [7] διὸ καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον ἐπιστολὴν πλάσας ὡς παρ᾽ Ἀχαιοῦ διαπεσταλμένην προσήνεγκε τῷ βασιλεῖ, διασαφοῦσαν ὅτι Πτολεμαῖος αὐτὸν παρακαλεῖ πραγμάτων ἀντιποιήσασθαι �
�αί φησι καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ χρήμασι χορηγήσειν πρὸς πάσας τὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἐὰν ἀναλάβῃ διάδημα καὶ φανερὸς γένηται πᾶσιν ἀντιποιούμενος τῆς ἀρχῆς, [8] ἣν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἔχειν αὐτὸν καὶ νῦν, τῆς δ᾽ ἐπιγραφῆς αὑτῷ φθονοῦντα τὸν ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης διδόμενον ἀποτρίβεσθαι στέφανον. [9] ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πιστεύσας τοῖς γραφομένοις ἕτοιμος ἦν καὶ μετέωρος στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Κοίλην Συ
42. While Epigenes was still speaking in this strain, Hermeias, in a burst of rage, exclaimed, “That Epigenes had long been secretly plotting treason against the king; but that now he had happily shown his real sentiments by the advice which he had given, proving how eager he was to expose the king’s person to the rebels with an insignificant guard.” For the present he was content with making this insinuation as fuel for a future outburst of slander, and without further reference to Epigenes, after what was rather an ill-timed ebullition of temper than serious hostility, he delivered his own opinion; which, from his fear of the danger and his inexperience in war, was against undertaking the expedition against Molon personally, but was warmly in favour of an attack upon Ptolemy, because he was of opinion that this latter war would involve no danger, owing to that monarch’s cowardly character. For the present he overawed the rest of the council into agreement with him and he thereupon sent Xenon and Theodotus Hemiolius with an army against Molon; while he employed himself in continually inciting Antiochus to undertake the expedition into Coele-Syria: thinking that it was only by involving the young king in war on every side that he could escape punishment for his past misdeeds, and avoid being deprived of his position of authority, for the king would have need of his services when he found himself surrounded by struggles and dangers. With this object in view, he finally hit on the device of forging a letter, which he presented to the king as having been sent by Achaeus. In it Achaeus was made to state that “Ptolemy had urged him to assert his right to the government and promised to supply him with ships and money for all his attempts, if he would only take the crown, and come forward in the sight of all the world as a claimant of the sovereign power; which he already possessed, in fact, though he grudged himself the title, and rejected the crown which fortune gave him.”
This letter successfully imposed on the king, who became ready and eager to go on the expedition against Coele-Syria.
[1] ρίαν. ὄντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους περὶ Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ζεύγματος, παρῆν Διόγνητος ὁ ναύαρχος ἐκ Καππαδοκίας τῆς περὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον, ἄγων Λαοδίκην τὴν Μιθριδάτου τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα, παρθένον οὖσαν, γυναῖκα τῷ βασιλεῖ κατωνομασμένην. [2] ὁ δὲ Μιθριδάτης εὔχετο μὲν ἀπόγονος εἶναι τῶν ἑπτὰ Περσῶν ἑνὸς τῶν ἐπανελομένων τὸν μάγον, διατετηρήκει δὲ τὴν δυναστείαν ἀπὸ προγόνων τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς αὐτοῖς διαδοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Δαρείου παρὰ τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον. [3] Ἀντίοχος δὲ προσδεξάμενος τὴν παρθένον μετὰ τῆς ἁρμοζούσης ἀπαντήσεως καὶ προστασίας εὐθέως ἐπετέλει τοὺς γάμους, μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ βασιλικῶς χρώμενος ταῖς παρασκευαῖς. [4] μετὰ δὲ τὴν συντέλειαν τῶν γάμων καταβὰς εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν, βασίλισσαν ἀποδείξας τὴν Λαοδίκην, λοιπὸν ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευήν. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Μόλων, [5] ἑτοίμους παρεσκευακὼς πρὸς πᾶν τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας σατραπείας ὄχλους διά τε τὰς ἐλπίδας τὰς ἐκ τῶν ὠφελειῶν καὶ τοὺς φόβους, οὓς ἐνειργάσατο τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἀνατατικὰς καὶ ψευδεῖς εἰσφέρων ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, [6] ἕτοιμον δὲ συναγωνιστὴν ἔχων τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἠσφαλισμένος δὲ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὰς παρακειμένας σατραπείας διὰ τῆς τῶν προεστώτων εὐνοίας καὶ δωροδοκίας, ἐξεστράτευσε μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγούς. [7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ξένωνα καὶ Θεόδοτον καταπλαγέντες τὴν ἔφοδον ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὰς πόλεις. [8] ὁ δὲ Μόλων κύριος γενόμενος τῆς Ἀπολλωνιάτιδος χώρας εὐπορεῖτο ταῖς χορηγίαις ὑπερβαλλόντως. ἦν δὲ φοβερὸς μὲν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς
43. While this was going on, Antiochus happened to be at Seleucia, on the Zeugma, when the Navarchus Diognetus arrived from Cappadocia, on the Euxine, bringing Laodice, the daughter of king Mithridates, an unmarried girl, destined to be the king’s wife. This Mithridates boasted of being a descendant of one of the seven Persians who killed the Magus, and he had maintained the sovereignty handed down from his ancestors, as it had been originally given to them by Darius along the shore of the Euxine. Having gone to meet the princess with all due pomp and splendour, Antiochus immediately celebrated his nuptials with royal magnificence. The marriage having been completed, he went to Antioch, and after proclaiming Laodice queen, devoted himself thenceforth to making preparation for the war.
Meanwhile Molon had prepared the people of his own Satrapy to go all lengths, partly by holding out to them hopes of advantages to be gained, and partly by working on the fears of their chief men, by means of forged letters purporting to be from the king, and couched in threatening terms. He had also a ready coadjutor in his brother Alexander; and had secured the co-operation of the neighbouring Satrapies, by winning the goodwill of their leading men with bribes. It was, therefore, at the head of a large force that he took the field against the royal generals. Terrified at his approach Xenon and Theodotus retired into the cities; and Molon, having secured the territory of Apollonia, had now a superabundance of supplies.
[1] δυναστείας. τά τε γὰρ ἱπποφόρβια πάντα τὰ βασιλικὰ Μήδοις ἐγκεχείρισται, σίτου τε καὶ θρεμμάτων πλῆθος ἀναρίθμητον παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐστι. [2] περί γε μὴν τῆς ὀχυρότητος καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς χώρας οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἰπεῖν δύναιτ᾽ ἀξίως οὐδείς. [3] ἡ γὰρ Μηδία κεῖται μὲν περὶ μέσην τὴν Ἀσίαν, διαφέρει δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κατὰ τὴν εἰς ὕψος ἀνάτασιν πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τόπων, ὡς πρὸς μέρος θεωρουμένη. [4] καὶ μὴν ἐπίκειται τοῖς ἀλκιμωτάτοις καὶ μεγίστοις ἔθνεσι. πρόκειται γὰρ αὐτῆς παρὰ μὲν τὴν ἕω καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς μέρη τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἔρημον πεδία τὴν μεταξὺ κειμένην τῆς Περσίδος καὶ τῆς Παρθυαίας: [5] ἐπίκειται δὲ καὶ κρατεῖ τῶν καλουμένων Κασπίων πυλῶν, συνάπτει δὲ τοῖς Ταπύρων ὄρεσιν, ἃ δὴ τῆς Ὑρκανίας θαλάττης οὐ πολὺ διέστηκε. [6] τοῖς δὲ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν κλίμασι καθήκει πρός τε τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν καὶ τὴν Ἀπολλωνιᾶτιν χώραν, πα�
�άκειται δὲ τῇ Περσίδι, προβεβλημένη τὸ Ζάγρον ὄρος, [7] ὃ τὴν μὲν ἀνάβασιν ἔχει πρὸς ἑκατὸν στάδια, διαφορὰς δὲ καὶ συγκλείσεις πλείους ἔχον ἐν αὑτῷ διέζευκται κοιλάσι, κατὰ δέ τινας τόπους αὐλῶσιν, οὓς κατοικοῦσι Κοσσαῖοι καὶ Κορβρῆναι καὶ Κάρχοι καὶ πλείω γένη βαρβάρων ἕτερα, διαφέρειν δοκοῦντα πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας. [8] τοῖς δὲ πρὸς τὰς δύσεις μέρεσι κειμένοις συνάπτει τοῖς Σατραπείοις καλουμένοις: τούτοις δὲ συμβαίνει μὴ πολὺ διεστάναι τῶν ἐθνῶν τῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον καθηκόντων πόντον. [9] τὰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰς ἄρκτους αὐτῆς τετραμμένα μέρη περιέχεται μὲν Ἐλυμαίοις καὶ τοῖς Ἀνιαράκαις, [10] ἔτι δὲ Καδουσίοις καὶ Ματιανοῖς, ὑπέρκειται δὲ τῶν συναπτόντων πρὸς τὴν Μαιῶτιν τοῦ Πόντου μερῶν. [11] αὐτὴ δ᾽ ἡ Μηδία διέζευκται πλείοσιν ὄρεσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἠοῦς ἕως πρὸς τὰς δύσεις, ὧν μεταξὺ κεῖται πεδία πληθύοντα πόλεσι καὶ κώμαις.