by Polybius
108. King Philip having returned, after the completion of the treaty of peace, to Macedonia by sea, found that Scerdilaidas on the same pretext of money owed to him, on which he had treacherously seized the vessels at Leucas, had now plundered a town in Pelagonia called Pissaeum; had won over by promises some cities of the Dassaretae, namely, Phibotides, Antipatria, Chrysondym, and Geston; and had overrun much of the district of Macedonia bordering on these places. He therefore at once started with his army in great haste to recover the revolted cities, and determined to proclaim open war with Scerdilaidas; for he thought it a matter of the most vital importance to bring Illyria into a state of good order, with a view to the success of all his projects, and above all of his passage into Italy. For Demetrius was so assiduous in keeping hot these hopes and projects in the king’s mind, that Philip even dreamed of them in his sleep, and thought of nothing else but this Italian expedition. The motive of Demetrius in so acting was not a consideration for Philip, for he certainly did not rank higher than third in the calculations of Demetrius. A stronger motive than that was his hatred of Rome: but the strongest of all was the consideration of his own prospects. For he had made up his mind that it was only in this way that he could ever recover his principality in Pharos. Be that as it may, Philip went on his expedition and recovered the cities I have named, and took besides Creonium and Gerus in Dassaretis; Enchelanae, Cerax, Sation, Boei, round the Lychnidian Lake; Bantia in the district of the Calicoeni; and Orgyssus in that of the Pisantini. After completing these operations he dismissed his troops to their winter quarters.
This was the winter in which Hannibal, after plundering the fairest districts of Italy, intended to place his winter quarters near Geranium in Daunia. And it was then that at Rome Caius Terentius and Lucius Aemilius entered upon their Consulship.
[1] Φίλιππος δὲ κατὰ τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἀναλογιζόμενος ὅτι πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτοῦ χρεία πλοίων ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ὑπηρεσίας, καὶ ταύτης οὐχ ὡς πρὸς ναυμαχίαν — [2] τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἤλπισε δυνατὸς εἶναι, Ῥωμαίοις διαναυμαχεῖν — ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἕως τοῦ παρακομίζειν στρατιώτας καὶ θᾶττον διαίρειν οὗ πρόθοιτο καὶ παραδόξως ἐπιφαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις: [3] διόπερ ὑπολαβὼν ἀρίστην εἶναι πρὸς ταῦτα τὴν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ναυπηγίαν ἑκατὸν ἐπεβάλετο λέμβους κατασκευάζειν, σχεδὸν πρῶτος τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλέων. [4] καταρτίσας δὲ τούτους συνῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις ἀρχομένης θερείας, καὶ βραχέα προσασκήσας τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐν ταῖς εἰρεσίαις ἀνήχθη. [5] κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν Ἀντίοχος μὲν ὑπερέβαλε τὸν Ταῦρον, Φίλιππος δὲ ποιησάμενος τὸν πλοῦν δι᾽ Εὐρίπου καὶ [τοῦ] περὶ Μαλέαν ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Κεφαλληνίαν καὶ Λευκάδα τόπους, ἐν οἷς καθορμισθεὶς ἐκαραδόκει πολυπραγμονῶν τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στόλον. [6] πυνθανόμενος δὲ περὶ τὸ Λιλύβαιον αὐτοὺς ὁρμεῖν, θαρρήσας ἀνήχθη, καὶ προῆγε ποιούμενος τὸν πλοῦν ὡς ἐπ᾽
109. In the course of the winter, Philip, taking into consideration that he would want ships to carry out his designs, and men for rowing, not for fighting, — for he could never have even entertained a hope of fighting the Romans at sea, — but rather for the transport of soldiers, and to enable him to cross with greater speed to any point to which he might desire to go, and so surprise the enemy by a sudden appearance, and thinking that the Illyrian build was the best for the sort of ships he wanted, determined to have a hundred galleys built; which hardly any Macedonian king had ever done before. Having had these fitted out, he collected his forces at the beginning of the summer; and, after a brief training of the Macedonians in rowing them, put to sea. It was just at the time that Antiochus crossed Mount Taurus when Philip, after sailing through the Euripus and rounding Cape Malea, came to Cephallenia and Leucas, where he dropped anchor, and awaited anxiously the movements of the Roman fleet. Being informed that it was at anchor off Lilybaeum, he mustered up courage to put to sea, and steered for Apollonia.
[1] Ἀπολλωνίας. ἤδη δὲ συνεγγίζοντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀῷον ποταμὸν τόποις, ὃς ῥεῖ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Ἀπολλωνιατῶν πόλιν, ἐμπίπτει πανικὸν παραπλήσιον τοῖς γινομένοις ἐπὶ τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων. [2] τῶν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας πλεόντων τινὲς λέμβοι, καθορμισθέντες εἰς τὴν νῆσον, ἣ καλεῖται μὲν Σάσων, κεῖται δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἰσβολὴν τὴν εἰς τὸν Ἰόνιον πόρον, ἧκον ὑπὸ νύκτα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, φάσκοντες συνωρμηκέναι τινὰς αὐτοῖς πλέοντας ἀπὸ πορθμοῦ, [3] τούτους δ᾽ ἀπαγγέλλειν, ὅτι καταλείποιεν ἐν Ῥηγίῳ πεντήρεις Ῥωμαϊκὰς πλεούσας ἐπ᾽ Ἀπολλωνίας καὶ πρὸς Σκερδιλαΐδαν. [4] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, ὑπολαβὼν ὅσον οὔπω τὸν στόλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν παρεῖναι, περίφοβος γενόμενος καὶ ταχέως ἀνασπάσας τὰς ἀγκύρας αὖτις εἰς τοὐπίσω παρήγγειλε πλεῖν. [5] οὐδενὶ δὲ κόσμῳ ποιησάμενος τὴν ἀναζυγὴν καὶ τὸν ἀνάπλουν δευτεραῖος εἰς Κεφαλληνίαν κατῆρε, συνεχῶς ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα τὸν πλοῦν ποιούμενος. [6] βραχὺ δέ τι θαρρήσας ἐνταῦθα κατέμεινε, ποιῶν ἔμφασιν ὡς ἐπί τινας τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πράξεων ἐπεστροφώς. [7] συνέβη δὲ ψευδῶς γενέσθαι τὸν ὅλον φόβον περὶ αὐτόν. [8] ὁ γὰρ Σκερδιλαΐδας, ἀκούων κατὰ χειμῶνα λέμβους ναυπηγεῖσθαι τὸν Φίλιππον πλείους, καὶ προσδοκῶν αὐτοῦ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν παρουσίαν, διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους διασαφῶν ταῦτα καὶ παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν, [9] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δεκαναΐαν ἀπὸ τοῦ περὶ τὸ Λιλύβαιον ἐξαπέστειλαν στόλου, ταύτην τὴν περὶ τὸ Ῥήγιον ὀφθεῖσαν: [10] ἣν Φίλιππος εἰ μὴ πτοηθεὶς ἀλόγως ἔφυγε, τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πράξεων μάλιστ᾽ ἂν τότε καθίκετο διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους πάσαις ταῖς ἐπινοίαις καὶ παρασκευαῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν καὶ τὴν περὶ Κάνναν μάχην γίνεσθαι, τῶν τε πλοίων ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ λόγον ἐγκρατὴς ἂν ἐγεγόνει. [11] νῦν δὲ διαταραχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς προσαγγελίας ἀβλαβῆ μέν, οὐκ εὐσχήμονα δ᾽ ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀναχώρησιν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.
110. As he neared the mouth of the Aous, which flows past Apollonia, a panic fell upon his fleet such as happens to land forces. Certain galleys on the rear of the fleet being anchored at an island called Sason, which lies at the entrance to the Ionian Sea, came by night to Philip with a report that some men who had lately come from the Sicilian Strait had been anchored with them at Sason, who reported that they left some Roman quinqueremes at Rhegium, which were bo
und for Apollonia to support Scerdilaidas. Thinking this fleet must be all but upon him, Philip, in great alarm, promptly ordered his ships to weigh anchor and sail back the way they came. They started and got out to sea in great disorder, and reached Cephallenia, after sailing two nights and days without intermission. Having now partially recovered his courage, Philip remained there, covering his flight under the pretext of having returned for some operations in the Peloponnese. It turned out that it was a false alarm altogether. The truth was that Scerdilaidas, hearing in the course of the winter that Philip was having a number of galleys built, and expecting him to come to attack him by sea, had sent messages to Rome stating the facts and imploring help; and the Romans had detached a squadron of ten ships from the fleet at Lilybaeum, which were what had been seen at Rhegium. But if Philip had not fled from them in such inconsiderate alarm, he would have had the best opportunity possible of attaining his objects in Illyria; because the thoughts and resources of Rome were absorbed in the war with Hannibal and the battle of Cannae, and it may fairly be presumed that he would have captured the ten Roman ships. As it was, he was utterly upset by the news and returned to Macedonia, without loss indeed, but with considerable dishonour.
[1] ἐπράχθη δέ τι κατὰ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους καὶ Προυσίᾳ μνήμης ἄξιον. [2] τῶν γὰρ Γαλατῶν, οὓς διεβίβασεν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἄτταλος εἰς τὸν πρὸς Ἀχαιὸν πόλεμον διὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ δόξαν, τούτων χωρισθέντων τοῦ προειρημένου βασιλέως διὰ τὰς ἄρτι ῥηθείσας ὑποψίας καὶ πορθούντων μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσελγείας καὶ βίας τὰς ἐφ᾽ Ἑλλησπόντῳ πόλεις, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον καὶ πολιορκεῖν τοὺς Ἰλιεῖς ἐπιβαλομένων, [3] ἐγένετο μέν τις οὐκ ἀγεννὴς περὶ ταῦτα πρᾶξις καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν Τρῳάδα κατοικούντων Ἀλεξάνδρειαν: [4] Θεμίστην γὰρ ἐξαποστείλαντες μετ᾽ ἀνδρῶν τετρακισχιλίων ἔλυσαν μὲν τὴν Ἰλιέων πολιορκίαν, ἐξέβαλον δ᾽ ἐκ πάσης τῆς Τρῳάδος τοὺς Γαλάτας, ἐμποδίζοντες ταῖς χορηγίαις καὶ διαλυμαινόμενοι τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτῶν. [5] οἱ δὲ Γαλάται κατασχόντες τὴν Ἀρίσβαν καλουμένην ἐν τῇ τῶν Ἀβυδηνῶν χώρᾳ, λοιπὸν ἐπεβούλευον καὶ προσεπολέμουν ταῖς περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους ἐκτισμέναις πόλεσιν. [6] ἐφ᾽ οὓς στρατεύσας μετὰ δυνάμεως Προυσίας καὶ παραταξάμενος τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν χερῶν νόμῳ διέφθειρε, τὰ δὲ τέκνα σχεδὸν ἅπαντα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ κατέσφαξε, τὴν δ᾽ ἀποσκευὴν ἐφῆκε διαρπάσαι τοῖς ἠγωνισμένοις. [7] πράξας δὲ ταῦτα μεγάλου μὲν ἀπέλυσε φόβου καὶ κινδύνου τὰς ἐφ᾽ Ἑλλησπόντου πόλεις, καλὸν δὲ παράδειγμα τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἀπέλιπε τοῦ μὴ ῥᾳδίαν ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης βαρβάρους τὴν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διάβασιν. [8] τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν τῆς περὶ Κάνναν μάχης ἐπιτελεσθείσης τὰ πλεῖστα μετετίθετο πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. [9] ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν τῆς διηγήσεως λήξομεν, ἐπεὶ διεληλύθαμεν ἃς περιέσχε τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πράξεων ἡ τετταρακοστὴ τῶν ὀλυμπιάδων πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν: [10] ἐν δὲ τῇ μετὰ ταῦτα βύβλῳ, βραχέα προσαναμνήσαντες τῆς [ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ βύβλῳ] προκατασκευῆς, ἐπὶ τὸν περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας λόγον ἐπάνιμεν κατὰ τὴν ἐν ἀρχαῖς ὑπόσχεσιν.
111. During this period Prusias also did a thing which deserves to be recorded. The Gauls, whom King Attalus had brought over from Europe to assist him against Achaeus on account of their reputation for courage, had separated from that monarch on account of the jealous suspicions of which I have before spoken, and were plundering the cities on the Hellespont with gross licentiousness and violence, and finally went so far as actually to besiege Ilium. In these circumstances the inhabitants of the Alexandria in the Troad acted with commendable spirit. They sent Themistes with four thousand men and forced the Gauls to raise the siege of Ilium, and drove them entirely out of the Troad, by cutting off their supplies and frustrating all their designs. Thereupon the Gauls seized Arisba, in the territory of Abydos, and thenceforth devoted themselves to forming designs and committing acts of hostility against the cities built in that district. Against them Prusias led out an army; and in a pitched battle put the men to the sword on the field, and slew nearly all their women and children in the camp, leaving the baggage to be plundered by his soldiers. This achievement of Prusias delivered the cities on the Hellespont from great fear and danger, and was a signal warning for future generations against barbarians from Europe being over-ready to cross into Asia.
Such was the state of affairs in Greece and Asia. Meanwhile the greater part of Italy had joined the Carthaginians after the battle of Cannae, as I have shown before. I will interrupt my narrative at this point, after having detailed the events in Asia and Greece, embraced by the 140th Olympiad. In my next book after a brief recapitulation of this narrative, I shall fulfil the promise made at the beginning of my work by recurring to the discussion of the Roman constitution.
The Biography
Ruins at ancient Corinth. Following the destruction of Corinth in 146 BC, Polybius returned to Greece, making use of his Roman connections to help his people. The historian was charged with the difficult task of organising the new form of government in the Greek cities, and in this office he gained great recognition.
INTRODUCTION TO POLYBIUS by H. J. Edwards
Polybius was born about 208 B.C. at Megalopolis in Arcadia. His father, Lycortas, who spent the greater part of his life — more especially the years 181-168 B.C. — in the service of the Achaean League, was a friend and supporter of Philopoemen; he went as ambassador to Rome in 189, to Ptolemy Epiphanes, king of Egypt, in 186 and again in 181; and he was Strategus of the League in 184. In his youth Polybius began to take part in public affairs. He seems to have served with the Romans in the campaign of 189 against the Gauls in Asia Minor; he carried the urn of Philopoemen to burial in 183; he was associated with his father Lycortas in the embassy to Egypt in 181; and he was Hipparchus of the Achaean League for the year 169-8.
Throughout the period (181-168) of political association with his father Polybius consistently maintained the view that the supremacy of Rome in Greece must be accepted, and that the Greek states must conduct their affairs, whether singly or collectively, and preserve their freedom, without giving any offence, or cause of complaint, to the Roman republic. But there was much intriguing, in Greece and at Rome, against this policy of legal independence; and the suspicions of the Romans were so far aroused that they came to regard the independents with no less displeasure than the avowed enemies of the republic. Thus, though Achaean League maintained correctly enough this policy of a strict legality during the third war between Rome and Macedon (172-168), its leaders were quickly b
rought to account after the defeat of King Perseus at Pydna (168 B.C.),a and no less than a thousand Achaeans were transported to Italy to be tried for their alleged opposition to the sovereignty of Rome. Of this company was Polybius — we hear nothing more of his father Lycortas: he may have died about this time. Quartered in Italian cities, these Greeks waited for the trial which never came; and at last in 151 B.C., when after sixteen years liberty was given them to return home, there were less than three hundred of the thousand left to go back.
Polybius was more fortunate than the rest. He had become acquainted with Aemilius Paulus and his two sons during the campaign against Perseus and afterwards in Macedonia, and now in 167 he was allowed to remain in Rome in the house of Aemilius, to act as tutor to the two boys. This was the beginning of that famous friendship between Polybius and the younger son, who became by adoption Publius Scipio Aemilianus. Panaetius, the Stoic philosopher, was also an inmate of Aemilius Paulus’ house about this time, exercising — perhaps in rivalry with Polybius — a tutorial influence upon the sons. Polybius had access through Aemilius Paulus to the best of Roman society during those sixteen years of expatriation in Italy, and he made good use of his opportunities. He studied the history and institutions of Rome, doubtless with a view to the history that he meant to write himself; he observed Roman life and character, in the individual and in the state; he hunted the boar with the younger sportsmen.