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  protested vehemently. He understood that Goring might have issued

  such a ruling on account of the Stettin “case,” but the Feldmarschall

  (Goring) could not have meant the Wartheland, for on February 12,

  1940, Frank had already promised to Greiser that the 200,000 Jews of

  the city of Löd2 would be taken into the Generalgouvernement. He

  was dismayed to hear of this turnabout,'7 but Frank had carried away

  his victory. On March 11, Himmler thanked the Staatssekretär of the

  Transport

  Ministry,

  Kleinmann,

  for

  his

  cooperation,

  and

  with

  these

  thanks the evacuation program came to an end.“

  At this point, however, Frank decided on a little evacuation program of his own. His resettlements were to take place within the Generalgouvernement. In particular, Frank wanted to remove the Jewish population from his capital, Kraköw. Addressing his main division chiefs on April 12, 1940, the Generalgouverneur described conditions

  in the city as scandalous. German generals “who commanded divisions” were forced, because of the apartment shortage, to live in houses that also contained Jewish tenants. The same applied to higher

  officials,

  and

  such

  conditions

  were

  “intolerable.”

  By

  November

  1,

  1940, the city of Kraköw, with its 60,000 Jews, had to become judenfrei

  (free of Jews). Only about 5,000, or at most 10,000, skilled Jewish

  workers might be permitted to remain. If the Reich could bring hundreds of thousands of Jews into the Generalgouvernement, Frank reasoned, surely there had to be room for 50,000 more from Kraköw. The Jews would be permitted to take along all their property, “except of

  course stolen property.” Then the Jewish quarter would be cleansed so

  that German people would be able to live there and breathe “German

  air.”“

  The Kraköw expulsions were divided into two phases: voluntary

  and involuntary. Up to August 15,1940, the Jews of the city were given

  an opportunity to move with all their possessions to any city of their

  choice within the Generalgouvernement. Gouverneure were instructed 46 47 48 49

  46. Summary of interministerial conference in Berlin. April I, 1940, in Centralna

  Zydowska Komisja Hisloryczna w Poise«, Dokumenty i materiafy do dziejdw okupaeji

  niemeckiej w Police, 3 vols. (Warsaw, Lodz, and Kraköw, 1946), vol. 3, pp. 167-68.

  47. Ibid.

  48. Himmler io Kleinmann, March 11, 1940, NO-2206.

  49. Summary of conference of main division chiefs, April 12, 1940, Frank diary, PS-

  2233. The Jewish populaUon of Kraköw had actually risen to 80,000 since September

  1939. Dr. Dietrich Redecker, “Deutsche Ordnung kehrt im Ghetto ein," Krakauer

  Zeitung, March 13, 1940.

  208

  POLAND

  to accept these Jews. All those still in Krak6w after midnight of August

  15 were to be subjected to “organized" expulsion, with limited luggage,

  to cities of the administration’s choice.“

  By means of an “intensive persuasion campaign against the Jewish

  Council [intensives Einwirken auf den Judenrat]," it was possible to

  effect the “voluntary” removal of 23,000 Jews.50 51 52 53 On the last day of the

  voluntary phase, Frank made a speech in which he repeated that it was

  simply intolerable to permit the representatives of the Greater German

  Reich of Adolf Hitler to be established in a city “crawling” with Jews to

  such an extent that a “decent person” could not step into the street.

  The Krakdw expulsions, Frank continued, were meant as a signal: the

  Jews

  of

  all

  Europe

  had

  to

  “disappear”

  (verschwinden).

  Obviously,

  Frank was thinking of Madagascar.”

  The involuntary phase was put into effect immediately. Through

  notifications sent to affected families via the Jewish Council, another

  9,000

  Jews were expelled by mid-September. The total number expelled was now 32,000.” In spite of these drastic measures, the apartment situation in the city did not improve to the expected extent. For one thing, it was discovered that the Jews had been housed “tightly”

  (i.e.,

  Jewish

  apartments

  had

  been

  overcrowded).

  Furthermore,

  the

  Jewish dwellings were so dilapidated as to be unacceptable for German

  habitation.54

  Nevertheless,

  or

  perhaps

  because

  of

  these

  results,

  the

  expulsions continued. On November 25, 1940, the Gouverneur of the

  Krakdw district ordered another 11,000 Jews to leave. These evacuations

  were

  conducted

  alphabetically.

  All

  those

  whose

  names

  began

  with A to D were to report on December 2, 1940, the E to J group on

  December 4, etc.55 This measure brought the total number of evacuees

  to 43,000, close to the goal that Frank had envisaged. The remaining

  Krakdw

  Jews were crowded into a closed ghetto, the Judenwohn-

  bezirk, in the Podgorce section of the city.56

  Frank may have been pleased with the Krakdw expulsions, but the

  local Kreishauptmanner were as unhappy with the influx of these expellees as the Generalgouvemeur had been with the arrival of the Jews 50. Krakauer Zeitung, August 6. 1940, Generalgouvernement page.

  51. Ibid., December 31, 1940/January 1, 1941, GG page.

  52. Ibid.. August 17, 1940.

  53. Ibid., December 31, 1940/January 1, 1941, GG page.

  54. Ibid.

  55. Jacob Apenszlak, ed., The Black Book of Polish Jewry (New York, 1943), pp.

  80-81.

  56. Announcement by the Stadlhauptmann of Kraköw (Schmid) in Krakauer

  Zeitung, March 23, 1941, p. 18.

  CONCENTRATION

  from

  the

  incorporated

  territories.”

  In

  the

  Krakdw

  outskirts,

  Polish

  inhabitants were complaining that the city’s Jews were upsetting the

  stability

  of

  apartment

  rents

  by

  offering inordinately

  large

  sums of

  money and paying a year in advance. It was a mistake, said the

  Kreishauptmann of Krakau-Land, to permit the Jews a free choice of

  residence. Naturally, most of them were congregating in his area.“

  Urban expulsions were carried out elsewhere with similar repercussions. In December 1940, fifteen hundred Jews from the city of Radom,

  described

  as

  “utterly

  impoverished

  and

  decrepit

  [völlig

  verarmte und verkommene Subjekte]", were dumped in the small town

  of Busko. It will not do, said the Kreishauptmann, that cities rid themselves in this manner of their welfare burdens at the expense of rural zones.”

  In

  February,

>   however,

  he

  received

  another

  thousand

  Jews,

  with the result that apartment density in the Jewish quarter had risen to

  twenty per room, and typhus was breaking out.“

  The evacuation program was creating difficulties wherever its impact was felt. Nevertheless, there were people (notably Himmler) who could see no valid objection to the overstuffing of Jewish quarters. On

  June 25,1940, Frank wrote a letter to Lammers in which he said that he

  was plagued

  by constant rumors from Danzig and the Wartheland

  capital of Poznan to the effect that new plans were afoot to send many

  thousands of Jews and Poles into the Generalgouvernement. Such a

  movement, Frank informed Lammers, was utterly out of the question,

  especially since the armed forces were expropriating large tracts of

  land for the purpose of holding maneuvers.81

  At the beginning of July, Frank was jubilant again. On July 12,

  1940, he informed his main division chiefs that the Führer himself had

  decided that no more transports of Jews would be sent into the

  Generalgouvernement.

  Instead,

  the

  entire

  Jewish

  community

  in

  the

  Reich, the Protektorat, and the Generalgouvernement was to be 57 58 59 60 61

  57. Report by Kreishauptmann of Jasio (Dr. Ludwig Losacker), August 29, 1940,

  Yad Vashem microfilm JM 814. Report by Kreishauptmann of Nowy Sgcz, signed by

  deputy, Regierungsoberinspektor Muegge, December 31, 1940, JM 814. Report by

  Kreishauptmann in Chelm, December 7, 1940, JM 814.

  58. Kreishauptmann of Krakau-Land (signed Holler), monthly report for August,

  1940, JM 814. Dr. Egon Holler took over the city of Lw6w in February 1942.

  59. Report by Kreishauptmann of Busko (signed Schafer), January II, 1941, JM

  814.

  60. Report by Schäfer, February 28, 1941, JM 814. In Kielce, the Polish population

  refused (weigerte sich) to receive a transport of evacuees in an orderly manner. It had to

  be stressed, said the Kreishauptmann, that the arriving people were Jews. Report by

  Kreishauptmann of Kielce, March 6, 1941, JM 814. On the reception of 2,000 Viennese

  Jews in Pulawy, see report by Kreishauplmann (signed Brandt), February 27,1941, JM 814.

  61. Frank to Lammers, June 25, 1940, NG-1627.

  210

  POLAND

  transported in the “shortest time imaginable,” immediately upon the

  conclusion of a peace treaty, to an African or American colony. The

  general thinking, he said, centered on Madagascar, which France was

  to cede to Germany for that very purpose. With an area of 500,000

  square

  kilometers,

  Frank

  explained,

  the

  island

  (incidentally,

  mostly

  jungle) could easily hold several million Jews. “I have intervened on

  behalf of the Jews of the Generalgouvernement," he continued, “so

  that those Jews, too, may profit from the advantages of starting a new

  life on new soil." That proposal, Frank concluded, had been accepted

  in Berlin, so that the entire Generalgouvernement administration could

  look forward to a “colossal unburdening.”“

  Radiant with pleasure, Frank repeated his speech in the Lublin

  district, which had been threatened most with overflowing transports

  of Jewish evacuees. As soon as maritime transport was restored, he

  said, the Jews would be removed, “piece by piece, man by man, mrs.

  by mrs., miss by miss [ Stück um Stück, Mann um Mann, Frau um

  Frau, Fräulein um Fräulein]." Having produced Heiterkeit in his audience (the term used by German protocol experts for amusement registered by an official audience), Frank predicted that Lublin, too, would become a “decent" and “human” city for German men and women.“

  But Frank’s jubilation was premature. No peace treaty was concluded with France, and no African island was set aside for the Jews.

  Frank was stuck with his Jews, and once more the pressure of new

  expulsions was to trouble his administration.

  On October 2,1940, Frank met with other officials in Hitler's apartment. The Reichsstatthalter of Vienna, von Schirach, mentioned that he had 50,000 Jews whom Frank had to take off his hands. The

  Generalgouverneur replied that this was utterly impossible. Thereupon

  the Oberpräsident of East Prussia, Erich Koch, put in that until now he

  had deported neither Jews nor Poles, but now the time had arrived

  when the Generalgouvernement had better accept these people. Again

  Frank protested that it was utterly impossible to receive such masses of

  Poles and Jews; there simply was no room for them. At this point,

  Hitler remarked that he was quite indifferent to the population density

  of the Generalgouvernement, that as far as he was concerned the

  Generalgouvernement was only a “huge Polish labor camp [ein grosses

  polnisches Arbeitslager]."“

  Once more Frank averted the threatened stream, although he could

  not prevent some Poles and a trickle of Vienna Jews crossing his bor-

  62. Frank to main division chiefs, July 12, 1940, Frank diary, PS-2233.

  63. Frank speech to Lublin officials, July 25,1940. Frank diary, PS-2233.

  64. Memorandum by Bormann on conference in Hitler’s apartment, October 2,

  1940, USSR-172. See also Lammers to von Schirach, December 3, 1940, PS-1950.

  211

  CONCENTRATION

  ders. Finally, on March 25, 1941, Krüger announced that no more

  transports would be sent to the Generalgouvernement.“ From now on

  the pressure was no longer on Frank. Instead, it hit the administration

  of the incorporated territories.

  In October 1941, mass deportations began in the Reich. They did

  not end until the destruction process was over. The object of these

  movements was not emigration but the annihilation of the Jews. As

  yet, however, there were no killing centers in which the victims could

  be gassed to death, and so it was decided that, pending the construction of death camps, the Jews were to be dumped into ghettos of the incorporated territories and the occupied Soviet areas farther east. The

  target in the incorporated territories was the ghetto of L6d±.

  On September 18,1941, Himmler addressed a letter to Reichsstatthalter Greiser on the proposed evacuations. The Führer desired, wrote Himmler, that the Old Reich and the Protektorat be “liberated from the

  Jews” as soon as possible. Himmler was therefore planning “as a first

  step” to transport the Jews to incorporated territory, with a view to

  shipping them farther east next spring. He intended to quarter 60,000

  Jews in the L6di ghetto, which, as he “heard,” had enough room.

  Looking forward to

  Greiser’s cooperation, Himmler closed with the

  remark that he was entrusting Gruppenführer Heydrich with the task of

  carrying out these Jewish migrations.*

  Although there is a gap in the correspondence, we may deduce

  from subsequent letters that Greiser had succeeded in reducing the

  figure of 60,000 migrants to 20,000 Jews and 5,000 Gypsies. But even

  this reduced total came as a shock to the local authorities. A representative of the Oberbürgermeister (mayor) of Ldd i (the city w
as renamed

  “Litzmannstadt”)

  protested

  immediately

  to

  the

  Regierungspräsident

  of

  the area, the honorary SS-Brigadeführer Uebelhoer.65 66 67

  In his protest Oberbürgermeister Ventzki announced that he would

  divest himself of every responsibility for the consequences of the measure. Then he recited some reasons for his attitude. The ghetto had originally held 160,400 people in an area of 4.13 square kilometers. The

  population had now declined to 144,000 owing to deaths and departures

  to forced labor camps, but there was more than a corresponding decline of area, to 3.41 square kilometers. Density was now 59,917 per-65. Summary of Generalgouvernement conference, March 25, 1941. Frank diary,

  PS-2233.

  66. Himmler to Greiser, copies to Heydrich and the Higher SS and Police Leader in

  the Wartheland, Gruppenführer Koppe, September 18,1941. Himmler Files, Folder 94.

  67. OberbiirgermeisterofLddi (signed VentzkiltoUebelhoer,September24, 1941,

  Himmler Files, Folder 94. Honorary members of the SS wore uniforms but had no SS

  functions.

  212

  POLAND

  sons

  per square kilometer. The 144,000 inhabitants lived in 2,000

  houses with 25,000 rooms, that is, 5.8 persons per room.

  Within the ghetto, said Ventzki, large factories were producing

  vital materials needed by the Reich (figures cited), but only starvation

  rations were coming into the ghetto. Lack of coal had impelled the

  inmates to tear out doors, windows, and floors to feed the fires in the

  stoves. The arrival of an additional 20,000 Jews and 5,000 Gypsies

  would increase the population density to seven persons per room. The

  newcomers would have to be housed in factories, with the result that

  production

  would

  be

  disrupted.

  Starvation

  would

  increase,

  and

  epidemics would rage unchecked. The digging of additional ditches for

  the disposal of feces would lead to an increase in the number of flies,

  which would ultimately plague the German quarter. The Gypsies, as

  bom agitators and arsonists, would start a conflagration, and so forth.

  Uebelhoer forwarded this report to Himmler, underlining some of the

  conclusions in a letter of his own.68 69 70

  Heydrich’s

  way

  of

  dealing

  with

  these

  protests

  was

  to

  cable

  Uebelhoer to the effect that the transports would begin to arrive on

 

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