by Dave Edlund
Other than Bryan’s voice, the room was completely silent as thirteen pairs of astonished eyes were fixed on Secretary of State Bryan.
“Ramirez was captured. However, while he was being questioned a sniper team took him out—two Russian naval spetsnaz soldiers. The spetsnaz sniper team was the second group inserted from the Saint Petersburg. Again, ladies and gentlemen, all this information is covered in your briefing book. The sonar data pinpoints the time, location, and type of vehicle used to insert each team. There are no doubts.”
“This is preposterous,” said the Chinese ambassador. He slapped closed the briefing booklet, punctuating his objection. “Sonar data is one thing, but you cannot identify a soldier’s affiliation from sonar data.”
“Again, sir, I must agree with your astute observation. However, we can say with absolute confidence that the sniper team is spetsnaz because… we captured them.”
Bryan was in his element. He had everyone in the room within his control, and he relished it. The Chinese ambassador was dumbfounded. He could never have predicted that spetsnaz soldiers would have been captured while conducting a covert mission on U.S. soil. My God! If Russia was so brazen, what did that mean for Sino-Russian relations? Could China ever trust that Russian aggression would not be directed at them?
“In short, the New Mexico chased off the Saint Petersburg just before she would have extracted the two spetsnaz soldiers. We recovered them, along with their diver tow vehicle, weapons, and supplies. The two men are currently being held incommunicado at a secure military location. Both men are being treated well, in accordance with the Geneva Convention. The men wore uniforms identifying them as Russian naval spetsnaz, and during questioning they provided name, rank, serial number, and unit affiliation.”
“And what does Russia say about this?” asked the French ambassador, motioning with his hand to the empty chair.
“My government has chosen not to inform the Russian government just yet. Because of the bold and provocative nature of this act of aggression, we instead chose to work through the United Nations. If we can secure your collective support for the two resolutions we wish to put forward, then our plan is to confront Russia with the facts as I have laid them out before all of you.”
“But the proposed resolutions cannot be binding unless they pass vote by the Security Council, and Russia, as a permanent member, can simply veto them.” This observation was offered by the Brazilian ambassador. He was less fearful of Russian aggression than he was of the government led by Enrique Garza—a maniacal ruler who coveted dominion over all of Latin America.
“Yes, Russia would certainly block formal passage of the proposed resolutions. But the Secretary-General backs our position and with his support, and yours, we can pass non-binding resolutions and demonstrate solidarity. Furthermore, the Secretary-General has offered his full support to place the matter before the General Assembly, and with a two-thirds vote in favor, the resolutions will pass as binding.”
The ambassador from Brazil nodded, satisfied with the explanation.
Secretary of State Bryan continued, “My government firmly believes… I believe… that Russia will not take a stand against the United States and the international community in light of comprehensive and compelling evidence of their unbridled and blatant acts of aggression against the United States and the international community as a whole. The proposed resolutions are the proverbial stick that we will use to beat Russia if she refuses to behave as a civilized country.
“This is not just about U.S.-Russian relations. Surely you see that if Russia is bold enough to insert military Special Forces, terrorist teams, and combat submarines into our waters and onto our soil, Russia will not hesitate to do so to each and every country represented at this meeting to realize her ambitions.”
Paul Bryan paused and allowed that thought to be absorbed. It was clear that the U.N. ambassadors seated around the table were doing just that. None of these countries, save the United States, was powerful enough to seriously engage and defeat Russia in an all-out war. What signal would they be sending to the Russian government if they turned their backs on these events? The answer was clear, and no one wanted that message to be received by Moscow.
The U.K. ambassador was the first to speak. “My country will support the U.S. resolutions if you ask for a vote. And if it comes to a military conflict, by God we’ll be right there with you, shoulder to shoulder.”
“Thank you. As always, we value your country’s continued support.”
“We, too, will support the resolutions.” This was from the German ambassador.
“My countrymen have witnessed the treachery of Russia first hand,” said the ambassador from Georgia. “We must collectively stand firmly united against these egregious actions carried out by the Russian Federation!”
Ukraine and Poland, two more eastern European countries that had felt pressure from an expansionist Russia, echoed the sentiment of the Georgian ambassador.
And so it went around the table. Every ambassador pledged support.
Then it came to the Chinese ambassador. Bryan looked at him expectantly. “Mr. Ambassador, I must ask. If these resolutions come up for vote, will the People’s Republic of China vote in the affirmative?”
The ambassador looked first at Paul Bryan, then at each person around the table. Then he cast his gaze again upon the Secretary of State. “Mr. Secretary, the information you have shared this evening is most disturbing, and it causes me to question the true intentions of the government in Moscow. As you know, we have been working toward closer ties.”
The ambassador paused for a moment and looked at his folded hands. Then he raised his head and continued, “Perhaps we have been deceived. Nevertheless, it would be very difficult for my government to vote in support of your proposed resolutions. To do so would be very damaging to Sino-Russian relations for years to come. However, I am confident we would choose to abstain from such a vote and allow it to pass or fail based on the voices of the remaining members of the Security Council.”
And with that, Paul Bryan had achieved all he had set out for. He thanked the ambassadors again and bid them good night. As they filed out of the meeting room, he turned to his aides and the U.S. ambassador. “Let’s get these briefing books picked up. The home team finally scored a run, but the game isn’t over yet. I’d suggest we all get a good night’s rest. I know I could use it. Tomorrow is a busy day. Tomorrow, we confront the Bear.”
Chapter 30
October 15
Washington, D.C.
“Good afternoon, Mr. Prime Minister.” Paul Bryan had briefed the Russian foreign minister earlier, and trusted that President Pushkin would take his call, so he was surprised to be speaking with the prime minister. It was still early morning in Washington, and Bryan wanted to take advantage of the time difference.
“President Pushkin is not available, but he believes in the importance of open communication with the United States government.”
“Thank you, Mr. Prime Minster.”
“The accusations you shared with my foreign minister are very serious, Mr. Secretary.” The telephone conversation had only begun, yet the tension was already palpable.
“I couldn’t agree more, sir. But the facts speak clearly and unambiguously.”
“Come now, Mr. Secretary. Who would possibly believe that a Russian submarine furtively entered your territorial waters and landed spetsnaz troops? I would not think America is so vulnerable.”
Bryan remained impassive. The taunting was typical and he had expected nothing less. Indeed, Prime Minister Petrovsky had chosen his words carefully, and he did not deny the events. This in itself was a subtle admission of the truth.
“We did not imagine this incursion. As I explained to your foreign minister, we have irrefutable sonar evidence tracking the Saint Petersburg into littoral waters in the Aleutian Island chain… to Chernabura Island. She was shadowed by the New Mexico, one of our Virginia-class fast-attack subs—but I’m
confident you already know that.
“The Saint Petersburg transported two teams to the island, the first a terrorist team led by Pablo Ramirez, working on behalf of Venezuela. The second team was the naval spetsnaz sniper team. We know the exact coordinates where the teams were launched from the sub, what time they were launched, and what vehicles carried them to the island. I think you do as well.”
There was a very long pause in the conversation, and Bryan thought for a moment that maybe the connection had been broken. And then Petrovsky spoke again.
“I will indulge you for the time being. Please continue.”
“The captain of the New Mexico captured your spetsnaz soldiers. We have them in custody. Don’t worry. They’re being treated well.”
“The world has seen how well America treats prisoners of war. The draconian American soldiers at Guantanamo Bay will not soon be forgotten.”
“With all due respect, Mr. Prime Minister, your spetsnaz soldiers were captured in U.S. territorial waters during a clandestine mission onto U.S. soil. We could execute them before a firing squad at any time and be well within our international rights and completely in accordance with the Geneva Convention, not to mention centuries of common practice.”
“If the purpose of your call is to barter for their lives, I have more important duties to attend to.”
“No, Mr. Prime Minister, that is not the purpose of my call. Your soldiers will be returned in good health soon enough.”
“Feel free to get to the point, Mr. Secretary. I am a busy man.” Petrovsky made no attempt to hide his growing impatience, and he made no effort to continue with the pleasantries.
“Of course. Last night I briefed the Security Council—”
“This is an outrage!” Petrovsky interrupted. “As a permanent member of the Security Council, my ambassador should have been given ample notice to attend!”
“I am sure you appreciate that as presiding President of the Security Council, the U.S. ambassador has certain latitude to call special meetings under extraordinary circumstances. This situation qualifies as such.”
“You have no right to brief the Security Council in our absence!”
“Your point is moot. The fact remains that last night I did brief the other thirteen members of the Security Council and shared the same facts and data that I have shared with both you and your foreign minister. The members of the council were unanimous in their opposition to these latest acts of Russian aggression. Sir, the international community is galvanized against the Russian Federation.”
The line was silent, another long pause.
“And what, precisely, is your request?”
“That Russian military and intelligence departments cease, immediately, all support for terrorist operations directed by Enrique Garza and the government of Venezuela.”
“Russia and Venezuela are allies, of sorts, even though no formal treaties have been signed yet. You cannot demand that we cease political and military relationships with countries other than those of your choosing.”
“Mr. Prime Minister, we both know the patent truth. Venezuela has been using your assistance to carry out a protracted campaign of terror against the United States, Europe, and Japan. Under the direction of President Enrique Garza, terrorist hit squads have assassinated more than 70 persons over the past eighteen months. Another 23 are suspected of being murdered under his order, and there may well be more. The victims have mostly been scientists and researchers studying alternative routes to oil formation. Some of these routes are believed to be compatible with modern chemical engineering practices. The Garza regime does not want competition; they’d prefer that their customers cannot synthesize petroleum and undercut the price of a barrel of oil.”
“I see.”
Bryan took a deep breath and let it out slowly. “President Taylor has instructed me to tell you that if we do not have your solemn assurances that Russia will cease aiding Venezuelan terrorist actions, the United States will seek international support for deep sanctions against Russia, including freezing global financial assets and establishing broad trade embargos. Overnight Russia will become an international pariah.
“Furthermore, a coalition will be formed to thwart any military threat that may be forthcoming. We have the support of the Security Council and the Secretary-General. When the U.N. member nations en masse are briefed, we have no doubt what the outcome will be.”
The prime minister of Russia was unaccustomed to being told what to do, or what not do. The sting of the collapse of the Soviet Union had not faded with time, yet since that epic event, Russia had been growing in power and influence. The West had little doubt that Russia coveted her former conquests—and more.
In tight, clipped words Prime Minister Petrovsky said, “I presume you have also been instructed to give me a deadline?”
“Yes. Twelve o’clock noon, tomorrow, Moscow time.”
“You are giving my government less than 24 hours. Perhaps that is not enough time.”
“It is not the wish of the United States to foment international hostility toward your government. However, your support of terrorism must end. We understand with whom the power in your government rests, and we are confident that this decision will be made by yourself and President Pushkin.”
“Is there anything else that you wish to add, Mr. Secretary?”
“No, sir. May I ask that your answer be communicated directly to President Taylor? He will be available at any time to receive your call. Thank you, sir.”
“Tell President Taylor that we will be in touch. Good day,” he said as he hung up the phone. Although the words were polite, the tone was far from pleasant.
Paul Bryan felt simultaneously exhausted and wired. He felt the conversation had gone reasonably well. Now it all came down to how much Russia valued her image on the world stage, an image that President Pushkin had worked tirelessly to cultivate when he came into power many years earlier. Prime Minister Petrovsky knew that his country’s support of Venezuelan terrorism had been uncovered. Now that the truth was out, what would Russia do?
Bryan called the President’s chief of staff and scheduled a half-hour meeting to brief President Taylor. The chief of staff said he would also summon General Hendrickson, Secretary of Defense Howard Hale, and Colonel Pierson to the meeting. For now, there was little to do but wait.
s
An hour later, Paul Bryan was sitting in the Oval Office. President Taylor was anxious to hear how his conversation had gone with Prime Minister Petrovsky. Isolating Venezuela from the protection of the Russian Bear was instrumental to the success of Operation Checkmate.
“Aside from the usual diplomatic maneuvering, it is noteworthy that Prime Minister Petrovsky never denied the covert mission of the Saint Petersburg. To tell you the truth, I think he was more than a bit surprised at how much we knew. I don’t think the captain of the Saint Petersburg had any idea he was being shadowed for essentially the duration of his mission. It would also appear that they had no idea of the detail and amount of intelligence data we gathered on their movements and actions. They may have tried to lie their way out of it, were it not for the two spetsnaz commandos and their equipment that we captured and now hold. Pretty hard to expect other countries to believe it was a mistake, a fabrication of the U.S. government, when we have two Russian spec ops soldiers in custody.”
“So what’s next?” asked the President.
“Prime Minister Petrovsky will need to confer with President Pushkin. They hold the power, so whatever they decide is the course of action that the government will follow. I gave them the deadline we agreed to, twelve noon Moscow time tomorrow. Between now and then, I expect you will receive a very important phone call from President Pushkin.”
“And you think they will agree to our demand?”
“Yes, sir, I do. The Russian government is working very hard to appear to follow accepted international law, despite their expansionist ambitions. I’d wager they will agree to our demands a
nd cut Garza loose, rather than have the spetsnaz prisoners paraded before international television for all the world to see.”
“I pray you are right, Paul.”
The President thought for a moment and then turned to General Hendrickson. “How are the preparations for the military phase of the operation?”
“Everything is proceeding on schedule, Mr. President. The necessary assets are being moved into forward positions even as we speak. D-hour is set for 2200 hours Zulu time tomorrow, 6:00 P.M. in Caracas.”
The President nodded his approval. “Good. Howard, assuming President Pushkin agrees to our demands, you will proceed with Operation Checkmate on schedule. If he declines, then we’ll immediately discuss our response. Have you, General Hendrickson, and the other Joint Chiefs worked through the contingencies? What options are you recommending?”
Secretary of Defense Hale deferred to General Hendrickson.
“Obviously, we’re counting on Russia to let Venezuela stand on her own. However, should they affirm a military alliance, we have planned a layered response that is proportional to the depth of aggression.”
“In English, general, if you please,” replied President Taylor.
“Of course, sir. At 6:00 P.M. Caracas time tomorrow we will launch a measured display of military power in accordance with your briefing yesterday. Assuming the Russians have assets in place—”
“Do they?” interrupted the President.
“Satellite imagery does not reveal anything new. Just the expected aircraft and missile defense batteries that Garza has put in place.”
“Good. Please continue.”
“Assuming that the Russians, either by moving assets into the theater or using Venezuelan assets, choose to participate in the defense of Venezuela, then we have a range of options to select from in response. The idea is to select a response that is proportional in severity to the level of aggression.”
“All right. Give me a couple of examples; I’d like to understand your thinking on this.”