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A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000)

Page 7

by Victoria R. Bricker


  Affix

  Phonetic spelling

  Gloss

  ab

  ab’

  passive

  ah

  ax

  transitive perfective

  ac

  ak

  derived intransitive subjunctive

  al

  al

  ownership possession

  an

  áʔan

  participial

  b

  b’

  passive

  be

  b’eʔ

  peripheral sensory

  ben

  b’éʔen

  potential

  bil

  b’il

  future participial

  ɮil

  ȼil

  reverential

  ci

  kih

  affect adjective

  cin kíin

  causative

  cun

  kúun

  causative

  ch

  č

  inchoative

  e

  eʔ

  topical enclitic

  ech

  eč

  second person singular object of transitives

   or subject of statives and completive intransitives

  e

  eh

  transitive imperative

  el

  el

  inalienable possession

  en

  en

  first person singular object of transitives or

   subject of statives and completive intransitives

  es es

  causative

  ex

  éʔeš

  second person plural object of transitives or

   subject of statives and perfective intransitives

  h h

  inchoative

  i

  ih

  intransitive perfective

  ic

  ik

  transitive imperfective

  il il

  possessive

  ili

  iliʔ

  yet, still

  ina ina

  even

  k

  k’

  celeritive

  l l

  positional

  la la

  proximal

  lo lo

  distal

  m

  m

  present perfect and affect

  n n

  antipassive

  nac

  nak

  affect adjective

  ob

  óʔob’

  third person plural object of transitives, subject

   of intransitives and statives, and plural of nouns

  oon

  óʔon

  first person plural object of transitives and

   subject of intransitives and statives

  p

  p

  agentless passive

  PHONOLOGY 23

  s s

  causative

  t t

  transitivizer

  tal

  tal

  inchoative and positional imperfective

  yah

  yah

  frequentative and nominal

  Vb

  Vb’

  root transitive future and instrumental

  Vc

  Vk

  intransitive subjunctive

  Vl

  Vl

  intransitive imperfective and participial

  The shapes represented by these suffixes include C (b, ch, k, l, m, n, p, s, t), CV (ci, la, lo), VC (ab, ah, ak. al,

  ech, el, en, ic, il), CVC (bal, cin, cun, nac, tal, yah), VCV (ili, ina).

  2. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES

  2.1. STEMS. In looking at phonology, I will consider stems, which are composed of roots and affixes. The

  simplest stem consists of a single root, usually a noun, adjective, or particle. More complex stems are com-

  posed of one or more roots or affixes. Because Colonial Yucatec is an agglutinating language, the word is

  a less salient unit of analysis than the stem.

  2.2. CONSONANTAL PROCESSES. The limitation of roots to CVC and CVCVC shapes means that they contain

  no consonant clusters and that consonant clusters occur only across morpheme boundaries, either when

  affixes are attached to roots or when roots are concatenated with each other. The resulting CC clusters are

  problematical in Colonial Yucatec, and the phonological processes of consonant deletion, debuccalization,

  and vowel epenthesis are invoked to modify or eliminate them.

  2.2.1. IDENTICAL-CONSONANT CLUSTERS. If two adjacent consonants are identical, the first consonant is

  either deleted or debuccalized (that is, the consonant is reduced to a laryngeal glottal or h).

  2.2.1.1. SONORANT CLUSTERS. In Modern Yucatec, if the two adjacent consonants are both identical

  sonorants (glides, liquids, nasals, or laryngeals), the first of the two consonants is deleted (Orie and

  V. Bricker 2000:296). I have found evidence of such a pattern of deletion for one glide [y], one nasal [n], and

  the liquid [l] in Colonial Yucatec:

  (7)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  uay y-ok-ol [way y óok’-ol]

  ua_ y-ok-ol [wa_ y óok’-ol]

  here above

  tħan-n-ah-i [t’àan-n-ah-ih]

  tħa_-n-ah-i [t’àa_-n-ax-ih]

  he spoke

  can-al lae [káʔan-al laʔeʔ ?]

  can-a_ lae [káʔan-a_ laʔeʔ ?]

  above this

  Because neither the glottal stop nor the final laryngeal “h” is represented in the Colonial orthography, it is

  not possible to determine whether the first of two identical adjacent laryngeal consonants is also deleted.

  2.2.1.2. OBSTRUENT CLUSTERS. In Modern Yucatec, if the two adjacent consonants are identical and both

  are obstruents, then the first consonant can be modified in three ways. If it is an ejective, it changes to a

  glottal stop; if it is not an ejective, it becomes an [h] (Orie and V. Bricker 2000:296). The relevant data in

  Colonial Yucatec I have found are suggestive but not conclusive with respect to such clusters:

  24 PHONOLOGY

  (8)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  sac cab [sak kab’]

  sah cab [sax kab’]

  white earth

  tac- cun [táʔak-kun]

  ta_-cun [táʔah-kun]

  guard, protect

  et tal-il [ʔéet tàal-il]

  e_ tal-il [ʔéeh tàal-il]

  companion

  hech-ch-ah [heč-č-ax]

  he_-ch-ah [heh-č-ax]

  become wide open

  pak keban [pak’ k’eb’an]

  pa_ keban [paʔ k’eb’an]

  fornicate

  x cħup pal [š č’ùup pàal]

  x cħu_ pal [š č’úu_ pal]

  girl, young lady

  First of all, in the sac-cab example, the first “c” (= phonetic [k]) is always replaced by the velar “h”

  (= phonetic [x]). Although there is still evidence of a phonological distinction between velar and laryngeal

  “h” in Modern Yucatec (Orie and V. Bricker 2000), only laryngeal “h” is manifested phonetically. Because

  velar and laryngeal “h” have collapsed together in Modern Yucatec, the first consonant in identical obstru-

  ent clusters always becomes [h].

  On the other hand, the first “c” in the tac-cun example behaves differently. Instead of becoming [x], it

  disappears. I suspect that it is not written because it has been debuccalized to [h], for which there was no

  symbol in the orthography used for Colonial Yucatec. It conforms, in this res
pect, to the phonological treat-

  ment of stop clusters in Modern Yucatec. The third example, which also contains a stop cluster (et tal-il),

  follows a similar pattern, deleting the first consonant and perhaps replacing it with laryngeal “h,” which

  was never recorded in root-final position in Colonial Yucatec.

  The fourth example in (8) shows what happens when the two adjacent consonants are identical affri-

  cates. In this case, the first consonant disappears, whereas it would change to laryngeal “h” in Modern

  Yucatec. But laryngeal “h” is not represented orthographically in Colonial Yucatec. Therefore, it is not

  clear whether the he_-ch-ah example represents consonant deletion or a change to laryngeal “h.” The

  orthographic rendition is as ambiguous in this respect as in the examples with “c” and “t” above.

  In the fifth example, the two adjacent consonants are identical ejectives. Here, again, the first con-

  sonant in the cluster seems to disappear. In Modern Yucatec, the first ejective in such a cluster would be

  replaced by a glottal stop, which is the other laryngeal consonant for which there is no orthographic coun-

  terpart in the Colonial alphabet.

  In the sixth example, the two adjacent consonants are identical voiceless bilabials. Here, as in Modern

  Yucatec, the first consonant disappears.

  2.2.1.3. FRICATIVE CLUSTERS. The fricatives [s and š] behave like sonorants in Modern Yucatec; the first

  consonant is always deleted in such clusters. The same pattern of deletion can be detected in Colonial

  Yucatec:

  (9)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  sus-s-ab-ac [súus-s-ab’-ak]

  su_-s-ab-ac [súu_-s-ab’-ak]

  it may be peeled

  ix xan [iš šan]

  i_ xan [i_ šan}

  and also

  2.2.2. OTHER CONSONANT CLUSTERS. When affixation brings non-identical consonants together, one of

  them is usually deleted. If one of the consonants is a laryngeal, either [ʔ] or [h], it is the one deleted. If,

  on the other hand, neither consonant is a largyngeal, then the processes are different for prefixes and

  suffixes. In general, the consonant in the prefix is more susceptible to deletion than the initial consonant

  in the root (Orie and V. Bricker 2000:292–293), whereas the final consonant in the root is more likely to be

  deleted than the consonant in the suffix.

  PHONOLOGY 25

  2.2.2.1. PREFIXES. The examples in (10) show what happens when the third person possessive clitic uy is

  prefixed to non-laryngeal initial nouns:

  (10)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  uy-bel [uy-b’èel]

  u-bel [u-b’èel]

  his road

  uy-cuch [uy-kùuč]

  u-cuch [u-kùuč]

  his burden

  uy-hahil [uy-xàaxil]

  u-hahil [u-xàaxil]

  his truth

  uy-kaba [uy-k’àab’aʔ]

  u-kaba [u-k’àab’aʔ]

  his name

  uy-luumil [uy-lúʔumil]

  u-lumil [u-lúʔumil]

  his land

  uy-mehen [uy-mèehen]

  u-mehen [u-mèehen]

  his son

  uy-naa [uy-naʔ]

  u-naa [u-naʔ]

  his mother

  uy-pacat [uy-pàakat]

  u-pacat [u-pàakat]

  his sight, eyes

  uy-pop [uy-póop]

  u-pop [u-póop]

  his mat

  uy-tħan [uy-t’àan]

  u-tħan [u-t’àan]

  his word

  uy-yum [uy-yùum]

  u-yum [u-yùum]

  his father

  Note that, in every case, it is the glide in the prefix that is deleted, not the initial consonant in the root. On

  the other hand, if the initial consonant of the root is a laryngeal, either [ʔ] or [h], then the laryngeal, rather

  than [y], is the one that is deleted:

  (11)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  uy-ahau [uy-ʔahaw]

  uy-ahau [uy-ahaw]

  his ruler

  uy-auat [uy-ʔawat]

  uy-auat [uy-awat]

  his shout

  uy-ex [uy-ʔèeš]

  uy-ex [uy-èeš]

  his pants

  uy-haal [uy-háʔal]

  uy-aal [uy-áʔal]

  its water

  uy-heel [uy-héʔel]

  uy-eel [uy-éʔel]

  her egg

  uy-hunil [uy-húʔunil]

  uy-unil [uy-úʔunil]

  his book

  uy-it [uy-ʔìit]

  uy-it [uy-ìit]

  his anus

  uy-oc [uy-ʔòok]

  uy-oc [uy-òok]

  his foot

  uy-ol [uy-ʔóol]

  uy-ol [uy-óol]

  his heart

  uy-otoch [uy-ʔotoč]

  uy-otoch [uy-otoč]

  his home

  In other words, laryngeal consonants at the beginning of roots are weaker and therefore more susceptible

  to deletion when preceded by another consonant.

  The same thing happens when laryngeal-initial roots are preceded by the first- and second-person

  singular clitics, inu (phonetic [iŋw]) and au (phonetic [aw]). In the first case, the cluster consists of three

  consonants: [n], [w], and either [ʔ] or [h]. Laryngeal deletion resolves only part of the problem, reducing the

  cluster from three to two consonants ([n] and [w]). In Colonial Yucatec, both the initial vowel and consonant

  in [inw] could also be deleted, leaving [w] to carry the first-person meaning:

  (12)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  inu-abil [inw-ʔáab’il]

  u-abil [w-áab’il]

  my grandchild

  inu-alic [inw-ʔáʔalik]

  u-alic [w-áʔalik]

  I say it

  inu-icnal [inw-ʔiknal]

  u-icnal [w-iknal]

  with me

  inu-iɔin [inw-ʔíiȼ’in]

  u-iɔin [w-íiȼ’in]

  my younger sibling

  26 PHONOLOGY

  inu-ol [inw-ʔóol]

  u-ol [w-óol]

  my heart

  inu-olah [inw-ʔóolax]

  u-olah [w-óolax]

  I want

  inu-otoch [inw-ʔotoč]

  u-otoch [w-otoč]

  my house

  Modern Yucatec does not permit the deletion of [in] to resolve such consonant clusters. Instead, the [n]

  assimilates to the following labiovelar, yielding [iŋw] before laryngeal-initial roots (see 2.2.2.2.5. below).

  The second-person prefix, au (phonetic [aw]), behaves exactly like the third-person prefix, uy (phonetic

  [uy]) before laryngeal-initial roots in Colonial Yucatec (compare [13] with [11]):

  (13)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  au-ex [aw-ʔèeš]

  au-ex [aw-èeš]

  your pants

  au-haabil [aw-háʔab’il]

  au-aabil [aw-áʔab’il]

  your age

  au-hula [aw-húʔulaʔ]

  au-ula [aw-úʔulaʔ]

  your visitor

  au-hulel [aw-húʔulel]

  au-ulel [aw-úʔulel]

  you arrive

  au-alic [aw-áʔalik]

  au-alic [aw-áʔalik]

  you say it

  au-icnal [aw-ʔiknal]

  au-icnal [aw-iknal]

  with you

  au-ilic [aw-ʔilik]

  au-ilic [aw-ilik]

  you see him

  au-ohel [aw-ʔoxel]

/>   au-ohel [aw-ohel]

  you know it

  au-ol [aw-ʔóol]

  au-ol [aw-óol]

  your heart

  au-uy [aw-ʔúʔuy]

  au-uy [aw-úʔuy]

  you hear it

  The laryngeal is deleted whether the antecedent glide is [w] or [y].

  Note that inu and au also behave like uy before non-laryngeal initial consonants (compare [14] and [15]

  with [10]):

  (14)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  inu-cahal [inw-kàaxal]

  in-cahal [in-kàaxal]

  my town

  inu-col [inw-kòol]

  in-col [in-kòol]

  my cornfield

  inu-kaba [inw-k’àab’aʔ]

  in-kaba [in-k’àab’aʔ]

  my name

  inu-kax [inw-k’áaš]

  in-kax [in-k’áaš]

  my forest

  inu-luum [inw-lúʔum]

  in-luum [in-lúʔum]

  my land

  inu-matan [inw-máatan]

  in-matan [in-máatan]

  my gift

  inu-mejen [inw-mèexen]

  in-mejen [in-mèexen]

  my son

  inu-pixan [inw-pìišan]

  in-pixan [in-pìišan]

  my soul

  inu-tħan [inw-t’àan]

  in-tħan [in-t’àan]

  my word

  inu-ɔib [inw-ȼ’íib’]

  in-ɔib [in-ȼ’íib’]

  my writing

  inu-yum [inw-yùum]

  in-yum [in-yùum]

  my father

  (15)

  Input

  Output

  Gloss

  au-ba [aw-b’ah]

  a-ba [a-b’ah]

  yourself

  au-botic [aw-b’óʔotik]

  a-botic [a-b’óʔotik]

  you pay it

  au-cuxtal [aw-kuštal]

  a-kuxtal [a-kuštal]

  your life

  au-chi [aw-čiʔ]

  a-chi [a-čiʔ]

  your mouth

  au-kab [aw-k’ab’]

  a-kab [a-k’ab’]

  your hand

  au-kat [aw-k’áat]

  a-kat [a-k’áat]

  you want it

  au-kuchul [aw-k’učul]

  a-kuchul [a-k’učul]

  you arrive

  PHONOLOGY 27

  au-lakob [aw-láak’óʔob’]

  a-lakob [a-láak’óʔob’]

  your relatives

  au-mehen [aw-mèexen]

  a-mehen [a-mèexen]

  your son

  au-takin [aw-tàak’in]

  a-takin [a-tàak’in]

  your money

  au-tħan [aw-t’àan]

  a-tħan [a-t’àan]

  your word

  au-yum [aw-yùum]

  a-yum [a-yùum]

  your father

  In both sets of examples, the glide in the prefix is deleted, not the initial consonant of the root, contrasting

  in this respect with the laryngeal-initial roots.

  The first-person plural clitic pronoun is c (phonetic [k]). Because all roots and stems must begin with

 

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