History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

friend, to entreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he

  trusted he had sufficient influence with the Signory to insure his

  safety and satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens.

  By his friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers

  to Santa Maria Nuova, where the pope resided. Eugenius gave him to

  understand, that the Signory had empowered him to settle the

  differences between them, and that all would be arranged to his

  satisfaction, if he laid down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed

  Palla's want of zeal, and the fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no

  better course being open to him, placed himself in the pope's hands,

  thinking that at all events the authority of his holiness would insure

  his safety. Eugenius then sent word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest

  who remained without, that they were to lay down their arms, for

  Rinaldo was remaining with the pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement

  with the signors; upon which they immediately dispersed, and laid

  aside their weapons.

  The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiate

  an arrangement by means of the pope; but at the same time sent

  secretly to the mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what

  other forces they could collect, were brought into Florence by night.

  Having taken possession of all the strong positions in the city, they

  assembled the people in the piazza and created a new balia, which,

  without delay, restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him

  to their country; and banished, of the opposite party, Rinaldo degli

  Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, with

  so many other citizens, that there were few places in Italy which did

  not contain some, and many others beyond her limits were full of them.

  By this and similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of

  worth, and of much wealth and industry.

  The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his entreaties

  were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, and

  condoled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through his

  confidence in him, but advised him to be patient, and hope for some

  favorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo replied, "The want of confidence in

  those who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed

  in you, have ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself

  principally for having thought that you, who were expelled from your

  own country, could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient

  experience of the freaks of fortune; and as I have never trusted

  greatly to prosperity, I shall suffer less inconvenience from

  adversity; and I know that when she pleases she can become more

  favorable. But if she should never change, I shall not be very

  desirous of living in a city in which individuals are more powerful

  than the laws; for that country alone is desirable in which property

  and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they may easily be

  taken from us, and where friends, from fear of losing their property,

  are compelled to abandon each other in their greatest need. Besides,

  it has always been less painful to good men to hear of the misfortunes

  of their country than to witness them; and an honorable exile is

  always held in greater esteem than slavery at home." He then left the

  pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own measures, and

  the coldness of his friends, went into exile.

  Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned to

  Florence; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming home

  triumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of

  people, or such unqualified demonstrations of regard as he was upon

  his return from banishment; for by universal consent he was hailed as

  the benefactor of the people, and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.

  BOOK V

  CHAPTER I

  The vicissitudes of empires--The state of Italy--The military

  factions of Sforza and Braccio--The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi

  attack the pope, who is expelled by the Romans--War between the

  pope and the duke of Milan--The Florentines and the Venetians

  assist the pope--Peace between the pope and the duke of Milan--

  Tyranny practiced by the party favorable to the Medici.

  It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they

  are subject, pass from order into confusion, and afterward recur to a

  state of order again; for the nature of mundane affairs not allowing

  them to continue in an even course, when they have arrived at their

  greatest perfection, they soon begin to decline. In the same manner,

  having been reduced by disorder, and sunk to their utmost state of

  depression, unable to descend lower, they, of necessity, reascend; and

  thus from good they gradually decline to evil, and from evil again

  return to good. The reason is, that valor produces peace; peace,

  repose; repose, disorder; disorder, ruin; so from disorder order

  springs; from order virtue, and from this, glory and good fortune.

  Hence, wise men have observed, that the age of literary excellence is

  subsequent to that of distinction in arms; and that in cities and

  provinces, great warriors are produced before philosophers. Arms

  having secured victory, and victory peace, the buoyant vigor of the

  martial mind cannot be enfeebled by a more excusable indulgence than

  that of letters; nor can indolence, with any greater or more dangerous

  deceit, enter a well regulated community. Cato was aware of this when

  the philosophers, Diogenes and Carneades, were sent ambassadors to the

  senate by the Athenians; for perceiving with what earnest admiration

  the Roman youth began to follow them, and knowing the evils that might

  result to his country from this specious idleness, he enacted that no

  philosopher should be allowed to enter Rome. Provinces by this means

  sink to ruin, from which, men's sufferings having made them wiser,

  they again recur to order, if they be not overwhelmed by some

  extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first under the ancient

  Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, by turns happy and unhappy;

  and although nothing has subsequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at

  all corresponding to her ancient greatness (which under a well-

  organized monarchy might have been gloriously effected), still there

  was so much bravery and intelligence in some of the new cities and

  governments that afterward sprang up, that although none ever acquired

  dominion over the rest, they were, nevertheless, so balanced and

  regulated among themselves, as to enable them to live in freedom, and

  defend their country from the barbarians.

  Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed a

  smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power and

  authority; for being situated in the middle of Italy, wealthy, and

  prepared for action, they either defended themselves against such as

  thought proper to assail them, or decided victory in favor of those to

  whom they became allies. From the valor, therefore, of t
hese new

  governments, if no seasons occurred of long-continued peace, neither

  were any exposed to the calamities of war; for that cannot be called

  peace in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor can

  those be considered wars in which no men are slain, cities plundered,

  or sovereignties overthrown; for the practice of arms fell into such a

  state of decay, that wars were commenced without fear, continued

  without danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military energy

  which is in other countries exhausted by a long peace, was wasted in

  Italy by the contemptible manner in which hostilities were carried on,

  as will be clearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to

  1494, from which it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted

  into Italy, and she again sunk under subjection to them. Although the

  transactions of our princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with

  admiration of their virtue and greatness like those of the ancients,

  perhaps they may on other accounts be regarded with no less interest,

  seeing what masses of high spirited people were kept in restraint by

  such weak and disorderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which

  took place in this wasted world, we shall not have to record the

  bravery of the soldier, the prudence of the general, or the patriotism

  of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice, deceit, and

  cunning, princes, warriors, and leaders of republics conducted

  themselves, to support a reputation they never deserved. This,

  perhaps, will not be less useful than a knowledge of ancient history;

  for, if the latter excites the liberal mind to imitation, the former

  will show what ought to be avoided and decried.

  Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that when, by

  consent of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon disturbed by

  those who retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war

  nor repose by peace. Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed

  to lay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war,

  directed their efforts against the church. There were at this time two

  factions or armed parties in Italy, the Sforzesca and the Braccesca.

  The leader of the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza,

  and of the latter, Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under

  the banner of one or other of these parties almost all the forces of

  Italy were assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca was in greatest

  repute, as well from the bravery of the count himself, as from the

  promise which the duke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter,

  Madonna Bianca, the prospect of which alliance greatly strengthened

  his influence. After the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various

  causes attacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated by

  the ancient enmity which Braccio had always entertained against the

  church; the count was induced by ambition: so that Niccolo assailed

  Rome, and the count took possession of La Marca.

  The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from their

  city: and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, where

  seeing the imminent danger of his situation, being abandoned by the

  princes (for they were unwilling again to take up arms in his cause,

  after having been so anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms with

  the count, and ceded to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to

  the injury of having occupied it, he had added insult; for in signing

  the place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said in

  Latin, according to the Latin custom, /Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano,

  invito Petro et Paulo/. Neither was he satisfied with this concession,

  but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the church, which was

  also granted; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the prospect of a

  dangerous war than of an ignominious peace. The count, having been

  thus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked Niccolo Fortebraccio,

  and during many months various encounters took place between them,

  from all which greater injury resulted to the pope and his subjects,

  than to either of the belligerents. At length, by the intervention of

  the duke of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, was made, by

  which both became princes in the territories of the church.

  The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Romagna by Batista

  da Canneto, who at Bologna slew some of the family of the Grifoni, and

  expelled from the city the governor who resided there for the pope,

  along with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain

  the government, he applied for assistance to Filippo; and the pope, to

  avenge himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians and

  Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very soon two

  large armies were on foot in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded for

  the duke, Gattamelata and Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians and

  Florentines. They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the

  Florentines and Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was

  sent prisoner to Milan where, either through grief for his loss or by

  some unfair means, he died in a few days.

  The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, or

  thinking the League after their defeat would not be in haste to resume

  hostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the pope

  and his colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore

  appointed the Count Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive

  Niccolo Fortebraccio from the territories of the church, and thus

  terminate the war which had been commenced in favor of the pontiff.

  The Romans, finding the pope supported by so large an army, sought a

  reconciliation with him, and being successful, admitted his commissary

  into the city. Among the places possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio,

  were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last

  of which, not being able to keep the field, he fled, and the count

  besieged him there. Niccolo's brave defense making it probable that

  the war would be of considerable duration, the duke deemed to

  necessary to prevent the League from obtaining the victory, and said

  that if this were not effected he would very soon have to look at the

  defense of his own territories. Resolving to divert the count from the

  siege, he commanded Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of

  Romagna; and the League, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany

  than to occupy Ascesi, ordered the count to prevent the passage of

  Niccolo, who was already, with his army, at Furli. The count

  accordingly moved with his forces, and came to Cesena, having left the

  war of La Marca and the care of his own territories to his brother

  Lione; and while Niccolo Piccinino was endeavoring to pass by, and the

  count to prevent him, Fortebraccio attacked Lione with great bravery,

  made him prisoner, routed his forces, and pursuing the advantage of

  his victory, at once possessed himself of many places in La Marca.

  This circumst
ance greatly perplexed the count, who thought he had lost

  all his territories; so, leaving part of his force to check Piccinino,

  with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio, whom he attacked and

  conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner in the battle, and soon

  after died of his wounds. This victory restored to the pontiff all the

  places that had been taken from him by Fortebraccio, and compelled the

  duke of Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the

  intercession of Niccolo da Esta, marquis of Ferrara; the duke

  restoring to the church the places he had taken from her, and his

  forces retiring into Lombardy. Batista da Canneto, as in the case with

  all who retain authority only by the consent and forces of another,

  when the duke's people had quitted Romagna, unable with his own power

  to keep possession of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the head

  of the opposite party, returned to his country.

  All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return,

  those who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by

  the opposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of

  the government; and the Signory for the months of November and

  December, not content with what their predecessors had done in favor

  of their party extended the term and changed the residences of several

  who were banished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to

  these evils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed on

  account of their wealth, their family connections or private

  animosities, than for the sake of the party to which they adhered, so

  that if these prescriptions had been accompanied with bloodshed, they

  would have resembled those of Octavius and Sylla, though in reality

  they were not without some stains; for Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni

  was beheaded, and four other citizens, among whom were Zanobi dei

  Belfratelli and Cosmo Barbadori, passing the confines to which they

  were limited, proceeded to Venice, where the Venetians, valuing the

  friendship of Cosmo de' Medici more than their own honor, sent them

  prisoners to him, and they were basely put to death. This circumstance

  greatly increased the influence of that party, and struck their

  enemies with terror, finding that such a powerful republic would so

  humble itself to the Florentines. This, however, was supposed to have

  been done, not so much out of kindness to Cosmo, as to excite

  dissensions in Florence, and by means of bloodshed make greater

  certainty of division among the citizens, for the Venetians knew there

  was no other obstacle to their ambition so great as the union of her

  people.

  The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of the

  state, those in possession of the government now began to strengthen

  their party by conferring benefits upon such as were in a condition to

  serve them, and the family of the Alberti, with all who had been

  banished by the former government, were recalled. All the nobility,

  with few exceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and the

  possessions of the exiles were divided among themselves, upon each

  paying a small acknowledgment. They then fortified themselves with new

  laws and provisos, made new Squittini, withdrawing the names of their

  adversaries from the purses, and filling them with those of their

  friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they considered

  that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere chance of

  drawing, did not afford the government sufficient security, they

  therefore resolved that the magistrates possessing the power of life

  and death should always be chosen from among the leaders of their own

  party, and therefore that the /Accoppiatori/, or persons selected for

  the imborsation of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to

  retire from office, should make the new appointments. They gave to

  eight of the guard authority to proceed capitally, and provided that

  the exiles, when their term of banishment was complete, should not be