History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

breast and in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used

  for the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the

  castle seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous;

  while going about the city for his own amusement, difficult if not

  impracticable; and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore,

  determined to kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public

  festivity when there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they

  might, under various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also

  resolved that if one of their number were prevented from attending, on

  any account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of

  their armed enemies.

  It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it was

  customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, in great

  solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they considered this the most

  suitable opportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the

  morning of that day they ordered some of their most trusty friends and

  servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of

  Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors,

  intended to turn a watercourse into his estate; but that before they

  went they wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled,

  under various pretenses, other friends and relatives, trusting that

  when the deed was accomplished, everyone would join them in the

  completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after the

  duke's death, to collect their followers together and proceed to those

  parts of the city where they imagined the plebeians would be most

  disposed to take arms against the duchess and the principal ministers

  of state, and they thought the people, on account of the famine which

  then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them; for it was

  their design to give up the houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti,

  and Francesco Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be

  plundered, and by this means gain over the populace and restore

  liberty to the community. With these ideas, and with minds resolved

  upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with the rest, were early

  at the church, and heard mass together; after which, Giovanandrea,

  turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, "O patron of our city! thou

  knowest our intention, and the end we would attain, by so many

  dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the oppressed,

  that tyranny is offensive to thee." To the duke, on the other hand,

  when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of his

  approaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was

  his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because

  it inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. He then

  wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who

  officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with

  him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be

  performed by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing

  circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the

  church; but before his departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and

  Ermes, to be brought to him, whom he embraced and kissed several

  times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle,

  and, with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand,

  proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid exciting

  suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had

  withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a friend of

  theirs, but hearing the duke's approach, they came into the church,

  Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of

  the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who led the procession had

  already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a

  multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made

  by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the way for the

  prince, came close to him, and grasping their daggers, which, being

  short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves of their vests, struck

  at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the other in

  the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo

  Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could not

  wound him in front: but with two strokes, transpierced his shoulder

  and spine. These six wounds were inflicted so instantaneously, that

  the duke had fallen before anyone was aware of what had happened, and

  he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin, as if

  imploring her assistance. A great tumult immediately ensued, several

  swords were drawn, and as often happens in sudden emergencies, some

  fled from the church, and others ran toward the scene of tumult, both

  without any definite motive or knowledge of what had occurred. Those,

  however, who were nearest the duke and had seen him slain, recognizing

  the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavoring to make his way

  out of the church, proceeded among the women, who being numerous, and

  according to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in

  his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken, he was killed by a

  Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those immediately

  around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through the crowd, and got out of

  the church; but seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else

  to go, he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to

  receive him; his mother only, having compassion on her son recommended

  him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in

  his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not

  without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which would

  contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and apprehensive that

  his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in

  disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice, and

  disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-

  three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than

  resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his apparel,

  and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with the sword

  unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated the following

  words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed: "Mors acerba,

  fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."

  The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with

  secrecy and executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the

  support of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let

  princes therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved

  and respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety

  after having destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the

  expectation which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as

  to believe, that even when discontented, they will either embrace or

 
ward off their dangers. This event spread consternation all over

  Italy; but those which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused

  much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years' continuance,

  as will be shown in the following book; which, having commenced with

  blood and horror, will have a melancholy and tearful conclusion.

  BOOK VIII

  CHAPTER I

  State of the family of the Medici at Florence--Enmity of Sixtus

  IV. toward Florence--Differences between the family of the Pazzi

  and that of the Medici--Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi--

  Arrangements to effect the design of the conspiracy--Giovanni

  Batista da Montesecco is sent to Florence--The pope joins the

  conspiracy--The king of Naples becomes a party to it--Names of the

  conspirators--The conspirators make many ineffectual attempts to

  kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici--The final arrangement--Order

  of the conspiracy.

  This book, commencing between two conspiracies, the one at Milan

  already narrated, the other yet to be recorded, it would seem

  appropriate, and in accordance with our usual custom, were we to treat

  of the nature and importance of these terrible demonstrations. This we

  should willingly do had we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or

  could it be comprised in few words. But requiring much consideration,

  and being already noticed in another place, it will be omitted, and we

  shall proceed with our narrative. The government of the Medici having

  subdued all its avowed enemies in order to obtain for that family

  undivided authority, and distinguish them from other citizens in their

  relation to the rest, found it necessary to subdue those who secretly

  plotted against them. While Medici contended with other families,

  their equals in authority and reputation, those who envied their power

  were able to oppose them openly without danger of being suppressed at

  the first demonstration of hostility; for the magistrates being free,

  neither party had occasion to fear, till one or other of them was

  overcome. But after the victory of 1466, the government became so

  entirely centred in the Medici, and they acquired so much authority,

  that discontented spirits were obliged either to suffer in silence,

  or, if desirous to destroy them, to attempt it in secrecy, and by

  clandestine means; which plots rarely succeed and most commonly

  involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while they frequently

  contribute to the aggrandizement of those against whom they are

  directed. Thus the prince of a city attacked by a conspiracy, if not

  slain like the duke of Milan (which seldom happens), almost always

  attains to a greater degree of power, and very often has his good

  disposition perverted to evil. The proceedings of his enemies give him

  cause for fear; fear suggests the necessity of providing for his own

  safety, which involves the injury of others; and hence arise

  animosities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiracies

  quickly occasion the destruction of their contrivers, and, in time,

  inevitably injure their primary object.

  Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions; the pope

  and the king on one side; on the other, the Venetians, the duke, and

  the Florentines. Although the flames of war had not yet broken out,

  every day gave rise to some new occasion for rekindling them; and the

  pope, in particular, in all his plans endeavored to annoy the

  Florentine government. Thus Filippo de' Medici, archbishop of Pisa,

  being dead, Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was

  appointed his successor, contrary to the wish of the Signory of

  Florence, who being unwilling to give him possession, there arose

  between them and the pope many fresh grounds of offense, before the

  matter was settled. Besides this, he conferred, at Rome, many favors

  upon the family of the Pazzi, and opposed that of the Medici, whenever

  an opportunity offered. The Pazzi were at this time, both on account

  of nobility of birth and their great wealth, the most brilliant in

  France. The head of this family was Jacopo, whom the people, on

  account of his distinguished pre-eminence, had made a knight. He had

  no children, except one natural daughter, but many nephews, sons of

  his brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whom were Guglielmo,

  Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto.

  Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches and rank of this family, had

  given his granddaughter, Bianca, to Guglielmo, hoping by this marriage

  to unite the houses, and obviate those enmities and dissensions so

  frequently occasioned by jealousy. However (so uncertain and

  fallacious are our expectations), very different feelings were thus

  originated; for Lorenzo's advisers pointed out to him how dangerous it

  was, and how injurious to his authority, to unite in the same

  individuals so much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacopo

  nor his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which in the opinion

  of other citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in the

  Pazzi, and fear on the part of the Medici; as the former of these

  increased, so did the latter; and upon all occasions, when the Pazzi

  came in competition with other citizens, their claims to distinction,

  however strong, were set aside by the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi,

  being at Rome, the Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion,

  compelled him to return, without treating him with the respect usually

  observed toward great citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere bitterly

  complained of the ill usage they experienced, and thus excited

  suspicion in others, and brought down greater evils upon themselves.

  Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a

  very wealthy man, whose riches on his decease, without other children,

  came to his daughter. His nephew, Carlo, however, took possession of

  part, and the question being litigated, a law was passed, by virtue of

  which the wife of Giovanni de' Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance,

  and it was given to Carlo. In this piece of injustice the Pazzi at

  once recognized the influence of the Medici. Giuliano de' Medici often

  complained to his brother Lorenzo of the affair, saying he was afraid

  that by grasping at too much they would lose all.

  Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the direction of

  everything, and resolved that all transactions should bear an impress

  of his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility and wealth unable to

  endure so many affronts, began to devise some means of vengeance. The

  first who spoke of any attempt against the Medici, was Francesco, who,

  being more sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either

  to obtain what was withheld from him, or lose what he still possessed.

  As the government of Florence gave him great offense, he resided

  almost constantly at Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he

  conducted extensive commercial operations; and being a most intimate

  friend of Count Girolamo, they frequently complained to each other of


  the conduct of the Medici. After a while they began to think that for

  the count to retain his estates, or the Pazzi their rights in the

  city, it would be necessary to change the government of Florence; and

  this they considered could not be done without the death of Giuliano

  and Lorenzo. They imagined the pope and the king would be easily

  induced to consent, because each could be convinced of the facility of

  the enterprise. Having acquired these ideas, they communicated them to

  Francesco Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious and

  recently offended by the Medici, willingly adopted their views.

  Considering their next step, they resolved, in order to facilitate the

  design, to obtain the consent of Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whose

  concurrence they feared it would be impracticable. With this view, it

  was resolved that Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Florence, while the

  archbishop and the count were to remain at Rome, to be ready to

  communicate with the pope when a suitable opportunity occurred.

  Francesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and difficult to

  persuade than he could have wished, and on imparting this to his

  friends at Rome, it was thought he desired the sanction of some

  greater authority to induce him to adopt their views. Upon this, the

  archbishop and the count communicated the whole affair to Giovanni

  Batista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces, possessing

  military reputation, and under obligations to the pope and the count.

  To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the archbishop

  endeavored to obviate his objections by showing how much assistance

  the pope and the king would lend to the enterprise; the hatred of the

  Florentines toward the Medici, the numerous friends the Salviati and

  the Pazzi would bring with them, the readiness with which the young

  men might be slain, on account of their going about the city

  unaccompanied and without suspicion, and the facility with which the

  government might then be changed. These things Giovanni Batista did

  not in reality believe, for he had heard from many Florentines quite

  contrary statements.

  While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, lord of Faenza, was

  taken ill, and tears were entertained for his life. This circumstance

  seemed to the archbishop and the count to offer an opportunity for

  sending Giovanni Batista to Florence, and thence to Romagna, under

  pretence of recovering certain territories belonging to the latter, of

  which the lord of Faenza had taken possession. The count therefore

  commissioned Giovanni Batista to have an interview with Lorenzo de'

  Medici, and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect

  to the affair of Romagna; that he should then see Francesco de' Pazzi,

  and in conjunction with him endeavor to induce his uncle Jacopo to

  adopt their ideas. To render the pope's authority available in their

  behalf, Giovanni Batista was ordered, before his departure, to

  communicate with the pontiff, who offered every means at his disposal

  in favor of their enterprise. Giovanni Batista, having arrived at

  Florence, obtained an interview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most

  graciously received; and with regard to the advice he was commissioned

  to ask, obtained a wise and friendly answer; so that he was astonished

  at finding him quite a different character from what he had been

  represented, and considered him to possess great sagacity, an

  affectionate heart, and most amicably disposed toward the count. He

  found Francesco de' Pazzi had gone to Lucca, and spoke to Jacopo, who

  was at first quite opposed to their design, but before they parted the

  pope's authority seemed to have influenced him; for he told Giovanni

  Batista, that he might go to Romagna, and that before his return

  Francesco would be with him, and they would then consult more

  particularly upon the subject. Giovanni Batista proceeded to Romagna,

  and soon returned to Florence. After a pretended consultation with