Ayodhya Revisited

by Kunal Kishore

  “At this time the Emperor learnt from the news letter of Bengal that Prince Muhammad Sultan who had been deputed with Muazzam Khan to crush Shuja, had, through the instigation of the latter, gone away on Wednesday the 8th June 1659/27th Ramzan with a few servants by boat with the intention of joining Shuja and was showing hostility to the imperial cause.” (pp. 14-15)

  Let us see what was the movement of the Emperor Aurangzeb after the grand victory at Khajwa. Saqi Mustad Khan writes,

  “That very day he sent Prince Muhammad Sultan from the place in pursuit of Shuja, and himself stayed there till Tuesday, 11th January/26th Rabi. S. On Wednesday, the 12th he marched from the environs of Khajwa and on Friday the 14th/29th Rabi. S. he came to the river Ganges.” (p. 8)

  Thereafter Saki Mustaid Khan writes,

  “On Saturday, the 15th January, 1659/1st Jamad. A., while encamped on the bank of the Ganges he learnt from Muhammad Sultan’s dispatches of the capture of Allahabad. As it was necessary to punish Jaswant Singh, who wanted to join Dara, he sent Muhammad Amin Khan, Mir Bakhshi, with 9,000 cavalry from Ghatampur on the 16th January/22nd Jamad A. to destroy him.” (p. 9)

  Saqi continues,

  “As the Emperor wished to march without delay for the punishment of Jaswant Singh and the suppression of Dara, he did not go to Agra but on Friday, the 4th February/21st Jamad. A., started from the garden of Nur Manzil towards Ajamir. On the 8th/25th Jamad, A. when he marched out of the hunting lodge of Rupbas, Shaikh Mir and Dilir Khan, having returned from the pursuit of Dara, joined the Emperor.” (p. 10)

  Saqi further informs, “On Sunday, the 20th February/7th Jamad S., the Emperor encamped near Hinduan; and no halt was made from here to the village of Tuda. On Monday the 28th February/15th Jamad. S. Amir Khan, brother of Shaikh Mir, who had taken Murad Bakhsh from Delhi fort to Gwalior by the order of the Emperor joined him.”

  Thus, on 28th February, 1659 when according to Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar Emperor Aurangzeb issued the firman of the religious tolerance through the office of his son Muhammad Sultan, the Emperor was in Rajasthan and the Prince was in Eastern India! How the twain met to consider sympathetically the condition of the Hindus of Benaras and issue a Firman from the imperial seat is beyond comprehension!

  Saqi informs us that after defeating Dara Shikoh the Emperor reached Fathpur on 7th April, 1659 and on 19th April he started for Delhi. On 2nd May, the Emperor reached the palace of Khizirabad and after a stay of 11 days there he entered the Delhi Fort on 12th May, 1659. But the Firman was issued on the day when Aurangzeb was engaged in the fight against Dara Shikoh near Ajmer.

  After the decisive defeat of his father-in-law Shuja and his flight to Dacca Prince Muhammad Sultan returned to Akbarnagar and joined Istam Khan. The Emperor was informed and Fedai Khan was ordered to bring the Prince to Court. When he reached near the capital, the Prince was arrested and sent in the custody of Muatamad Khan on 26th April, 1660. He remained in the Gwalior state prison from 1660 to 1672 and thereafter to Salimgarh (Delhi) prison until ‘death put an end to his miseries on 3rd December, 1676, when he was to complete his thirty-seventh year’. This was the treatment meted out to his eldest son who had fought valiantly at Samugarh and Dharmat against Dara and at Khajwa against Shuja. One tactless decision cost his career and life.

  After conclusively proving that no Firman could have been issued on 28th February, 1659 by Aurangzeb through the mediation or good offices of his son Prince Muhammad Sultan, now it is to be seen how far the process of the discovery of this Firman is convincing. From the content of this Firman it is clear that it had been addressed to one Abul Hassan who was worthy of the Emperor’s favour and trust. Therefore, he must have been some senior officer of the empire posted at Benaras. One Abul Hasan is known during Aurangzeb’s period. He was the cruising admiral who attacked and captured Sondip in Bengal in November, 1665 and a Mughal garrison was put in the island. If he was the same administrator at Benares, it is very intriguing how a Firman issued to a senior army officer of the empire could land in the custody of a ‘ghatia’ Brāhmana of the Mungla Gauri Muhulla of Benares. It is the same locality where the famous Gyāna-Vāpi Viśvanātha temple was converted into a mosque by the order of Aurangzeb. Since it was not a land grant given to Mangal Pandey or his maternal grandfather Gopi Upadhyaya or his ancestor, it is not supposed to have been in their custody.

  It is strange to learn that this Firman was shown to the City Inspector of Police Khan Bahadur Shaikh Muhammad Tyab by Mangal Pandey to prove his claim on a small piece of land on the ghat of Ganga at Benares. This Firman could produce no proof in support of his claim. If the city Inspector of Police could have been sincere, he could have booked Mangal Pandey for the theft of this royal Firman in 1905 A.D. It is more intriguing to learn that Messrs. Saeed Brothers, Photographers of Benares had already a photograph of this Firman in their custody. Neither Rajani Ranjan Sen nor Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar thought it proper to ponder over this mysterious discovery.

  This Firman contains a State policy formulated by the father and son duo who were at a distance of 2,000 km. on the alleged day of the dispatch of the Firman. In the initial reading the date deciphered was the 15th day of Jumada-s-Saniya A.H. 1064 which fell on 3rd May, 1654 A.D. If it really belonged to 1064 A.H., it was issued by Shah Jahan and in that case both the text and tenor of the edict match his style of Firmans. Then the question will arise as to how the seals of Aurangzeb and Muhammad Sultan are seen on the Firman. Were they super-imposed by the photographers Saeed Brothers at the behest of the City Inspector of Police Khan Bahadur Shaik Muhammad Tyab?

  Thus, Aurangzeb, who could even deprive the greatest Pandit of Kāśi (Kavīndrāchārya) of the pension granted to him by Shah Jahan, could never issue such liberal firman.

  As an unsuspecting Buchanan had been duped by some maulavi friend by inventing a Mir Baqi inscription in 1813-14, Rajani Ranjan Sen was misled by Saeed Brothers and the city Inspector of Police almost a hundred years later. These are the issues which have not been examined by any historian during a period of the last 100 years. Now it has to be examined in all sincerity. This much can be claimed with utmost certainty that this Firman was not issued by Aurangzeb. A religious bigot like Aurangzeb, who as a Governor of Gujarat demolished the famous Jain Chintamani temple after slaughtering a cow inside the temple and as an Emperor razed almost all important Hindu temples in the country, could never write such a letter with an eclectic spirit. Nevertheless, many myths of this sort have been created around Aurangzeb on the basis of unsubstantiated documents to glorify his character.

  (5) The destruction of Jodhpur temples

  Prof. M. Athar Ali was a great historian. Very few people could match him in his profound knowledge of Persian historical texts and students of history will remain grateful to him for his innovative writings. But it is a tragedy that even such great historians propound theories and pronounce decisions on the basis of a single source of unsubstantiated information which is in contradiction to other available informations. In the 22nd chapter ‘Cause of the Rathor Rebellion of 1679’ of his book ‘Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and Culture’ he, on the basis of ‘Waqai Ajmer’, i.e. monthly dispatches of the official news writer of Ajmer’ has written the following paragraphs to establish the theory that the destruction of Jodhpur temples was done on the request of the Rani Hadi, the Chief Queen of Jaswant Singh to get his son installed on the Jodhpur throne:

  “Already in Rabi I (April 1679), before Indar Singh had received the tika Tahir Khan, qila’adar of Jodhpur, had suggested to the Rathors that they could please the emperor by demolishing all the temples within the state and constructing mosques in their place. The Rajputs, when they heard this, were very indignant. But when the message was carried to Rani Hadi, Jaswant’s chief queen, who was inside the fort as the titular leader of the Rathors, she declared that he (Tahir Khan) could do as he pleased for the good of the Rathors: ‘If Jodhpur was conferred on the sons of the late Raja, the Rajput
s undertook to demolish all the temples in the state of Marwar.”(p. 255)

  Though it is here reported that only Rani Hadi had agreed to any such proposal, Prof. Athar Ali gives a colour of ambiguity by showing that it was accepted by the Rajputs also:

  “They (the Rathors) now proclaimed that if only the tika was given to Ajit Singh, they would be more royal than the king in carrying out Aurangzeb’s pet projects, the collection of the Zijiya and the destructions of temples within Marwar. It may be noted that there is no suggestion anywhere that Indar Singh had given such a pledge to secure the tika.” (p. 256)

  There is a historical error even in this version of the Waqai. Two sons of Jaswant Singh from two Ranis (different from Hadi) had been born in February 1679. One son died within a short span after the birth. So, there was only one son of Jaswant Singh alive in April 1679 and this was known to all Rajput sardars and Rani Hadi. Moreover, Rani Hadi was not the mother of the surviving son who was known later as Ajit Singh. Then how could she state that if Jodhpur was conferred on the sons of the late Raja, the Rajputs would undertake to demolish all temples in Marwar? Since the falsehood has no wings, it is caught sooner than later.

  Athar Ali further writes:

  “Two months later (Jamada 1 = June 1679), when Indar Singh had been appointed raja, two spokesmen of the Rathors, Ram Bhati and Sonak Rathor, went to Qazi Hamid of Jodhpur and represented as follows:

  “The zamindari of the country of Marwar was the property of Raja Jaswant Singh and after his death by the law of inheritance the zamindari of the country devolves on his sons. In the presence of the sons of the late Jaswant Singh, Indar Singh had no right to succeed. If the watan and the zamindari was conferred on the sons of the deceased Raja, the Rajputs undertook to demolish all the temples of Jodhpur and construct mosques instead. The Rajputs were also prepared to promulgate the law of the shari’at and do carry out the orders of the Emperor to whatever effect. We want to know the law of the shari‘at in this case. The Qazi gave them no answer and forwarded the case to Qazi Shaikhul-Islam (Chief Qazi at the Court.)”

  “Tahir Khan also reported in the same month to the emperor that the Rajputs were prepared to demolish all the temples within the Jodhpur state, to promulgate Islam and to offer a bigger peshkash than that offered by Indar Singh, if the latter’s appointment as the Raja of Jodhpur was cancelled.” (p. 256)

  When Athar Ali produced such a radical material, he should have cross-examined it from other sources.

  It was already on record before Prof. Ali from Masir-i-Alamgiri that on 24th Rabi.S./25th May, 1679 Khan-i-Jahan Bahadur returned from Jodhpur after demolishing temples and bringing with himself some cart-loads of idols. He had audience of the Emperor, who highly praised him and ordered that the idols should be cast in the yard of the Court and under the steps of the Jama mosque to be trodden on. The following is the excerpt from this book:

  “On Sunday, the 25th May/24th Rabi, S. Khan Jahan Bahadur came from Jodhpur, after demolishing the temples and bringing with himself some cart-loads of idols, and had audience of Emperor, who highly praised him and ordered that the idols, which were mostly jewelled, golden, silvery, bronze, copper or stone, should be cast in the yard (jilaukhanah) of the court and under the steps of Jam’a mosque, to be trodden on. They remained so for some time and at last their very names were lost.” (pp. 108-109)

  Thus the demolition of temples and breaking of idols had started in the beginning of March, 1679 and had already completed by 25th May, 1679, i.e. before Indar Singh’s appointment as Raja of Jodhpur and Rajputs’ supposed offer of demolishing temples on their own volition.

  According to ‘Maasir-i-Alamgiri’ Indar Singh was appointed Raja of Jodhpur on 25th Rabi, S., i.e. 26th May 1679 the following is the narrative in the Maasir-i-Alamgiri:

  “On Monday, the 26th May/25th Rabi, S., Indra Singh, son of Rao Rai Singh, grandson of Amar Singh, was appointed Raja of Jodhpur in succession to his uncle Jasawant Singh, and given the title of Raja, a special robe, a sword [176] with jewelled saz, a horse with gold saz, an elephant , a banner, tugh, and ketteldrums. He presented a tribute of thirty-six lakhs of Rupees which was graciously accepted.” (p. 109).

  It is a hisrorical fact that on 25th May, 1679 the cart-loaded broken idols had already reached Delhi from Jodhpur and it must have taken considerable time in demolishing all temples, breaking the idols and carrying them in carts to Delhi. Then how is it possible that in June and July 1679 Rani Hadi and the Rathor nobles were begging Aurangzeb’s officers to show them favour by demolishing temples in lieu of the installation of Jaswant Singh’s son upon the Marwar throne? Indar Singh received the Mughal ‘tika’ on 26th May, 1679, i.e. one day after the cart-loaded broken idols had reached Delhi.

  Mr. Athar Ali should have realized that when temples had already been demolished and cart-loads of broken idols were shown to the Emperor on 25th May, 1669 A.D., how could the Rajputs or Tahir Khan plead before the Qazi Hamid of Jodhpur and Aurangzeb that the Rajputs were ready to demolish all the temples of Jodhpur and construct mosques instead? Mr. Athar Ali should have discarded this rubbish piece of information incorporated in the imperial ‘Waqui Ajmer’. In addition, he should have seen the original copy of the Waqai Ajmer. According to his own admission:

  “The original copy of the Waqai Ajmer is in the Asifiyah Library, Hydrabad. I have used a transcript from the original in the Research Library, Dept. of History, AMO, Aligarh.”

  According to Prof. Athar Ali’s interpretation, the Rathod indignation was on account of the deprivation of Jodhpur where they were collected to mourn the deceased Jaswant Singh. In order to placate the Rajput sardars Aurangzeb passed an order confirming the assignments (pattas) granted by Jaswant Singh. But Jaswant Singh’s sardars declined the offer. Prof. Ali informs, “When pressed by Iftikhar Khan, they declared that though they know they could not resist the imperial army, they had decided to die rather than submit.” When Prof. Ali knows that these valiant Rajputs had sacrificed all these assignments and were ready to die, then such calumny against a valiant race is a gross injustice to them and a daunting distortion of historical facts.

  Thus, it is clear that before the appointment of Indar Singh as Raja of Jodhpur the temples had already been demolished and idols were broken. On 9th Jannary, 1679 Aurangzeb had marched for Ajmer. On 10th March Aurangzeb left Ajmer for Delhi where he reached on 2nd April 1679.

  ‘Ajitodaya Mahākāvya’ of Pandita Jagajjīvana Bhatta is an important biography of Ajit Singh, who ruled from 1707 to 1724 A.D. The poet is supposed to have lived between 1670 and 1750 A.D. Thus, it is almost a contemporary composition of 32 cantos. He informs that Indar Singh had advised the emperor Aurangzeb to detain the queens along with their sons when they had reached Delhi after the death of Jaswant Singh, because they had vast treasures of the late King in their possession. The poet further informs that the willingness of Indar Singh to accept Islam had won him the throne of Marwar. This might have been one of the reasons for Rathors’ intense hatred for Indar Singh.

  Another important fact is that on 15th July, 1679 Aurangzeb asked his officers to detain the two queens along with the child. They were to be taken to Jodhpur from the house of Rup Singh Rathore. After the Emperor’s order of detaining them the Rajputs resolved to rescue the Baby Ajit Singh. After a relay of heroic fights against Mughals in which dozens of them sacrificed their lives, the Rajput leaders reached Jodhpur on 23rd July, 1669. The successful arrival of Ajit Singh at Jodhpur signalled the dismissal of Tahir Khan.

  Ajitodaya mahākāvya and Muntakhab-ul-Lulab have given detailed description of the heroic flight of Rathors from Delhi to Jodhpur. In addition, the Maasir-i-Alamgiri informs as follows:

  “As Raja Jaswant Singh had left no son when he died in (the province of) Kabul, his trusted servants, viz. Sonang, Raghunath Das Bhatti, Ranchhor, Durgadas and others, reported to the Emperor after the Raja’s death that two of his wives who were pregnant had, after their arrival at Lahore, del
ivered each a son. These servants after reporting the fact of the birth of the sons, begged that mansab and the kingdom might be conferred (on one of them). The Emperor ordered that the sons should be sent to his court, and that when they would come of age, mansab and raj would be granted. These shallow-brained people after reaching Delhi pressed their request with great insistence. At this time one of the sons died. When the Emperor learnt that these wicked men mischievously wished to flee, carry the second son with the two mothers to Jodhpur, and raise a tumult there, he on Tuesday, the 15th July, 1679/16th Jamad. S., ordered both the Ranis and the child, who were living in the mansion of Rup Singh Rathor, to be seized and placed in Nurgarh. Fulad Khan Kotwal, Sayyid Hamid Khan with the men of the khas chauki, Hamid Khan, son of Daud Khan, Kamaluddin Khan son of Dilir Khan, and Khwaja Mir (who had got the title of Salabat Khan) with the servants of the cavalry (risala) of the late Prince Sultan Muhammad, were ordered to make these wicked men abstain from their criminal plan and to prevent them from carrying out their crude design, and if they foolishly engaged in fight, to give them proper chastisement.” (pp. 109-10)

  This account also tallies with that of ‘Ajitodaya Mahākāvyam’ composed by Jagajjīvana Bhatta who was a contemporary poet of Ajit Singh. The poet, born at Jodhpur, was employed in the correspondence department of the Maharaja and had been honoured with ‘hāthī saropā’ by the King Ajit Singh. The poet informs that Ajit Singh was born on February 19, 1679 A.D. about 48 minutes earlier than another son of Jaswant Singh named Dalthamban. He confirms that a delegate of Rathod nobles called on Aurangzeb for the restoration of the Kingdom of Marwar to Jaswant Singh’s son Ajit Singh. But the emperor refused and suggested that since Ajit was a minor, he should be brought up in the royal custody until he came of the age. But the Rathods rightly presumed that Ajit would be converted to Islam, as it subsequently happened to the fake child whom Aurangzeb declared to be the genuine son of Jaswant Singh. He was converted to Islam and named Muhammadi Raj. Therefore, the Rathods decided to rescue Ajit from the clutches of the Mughal army after sacrificing their lives. This is one of the most romantic and heroic efforts ever made in the world history under the dynamic leadership of Durga Das Rathor who is still adored as the epitome of the utmost chivalry in the following words: