Fire and Steel, Volume 6

by Gerald N. Lund

  “In late June.”

  “And where is he now?”

  “Vienna.”

  Alemann spoke slowly. “Vienna? Oh, that’s not good.”

  February 13, 1938, 9:40 p.m.—Zeidner Hideaway

  Hans looked pointedly at Alemann. “Not good? What’s that supposed to mean?”

  Alemann was silent for a moment, then he glanced toward the door of their hideaway. “Our girls know nothing of any of what I’m going to share with you. At some point, they’ll have to know, but right now, for their safety, we need to keep this from them. Not Emilee and Inga. Richelle knows all of it. Just the girls. If they are ever questioned, they can’t know.”

  “What’s going on?”

  “Oh, come on, Hans,” Alemann retorted. “Surely you know what’s going on with Austria right now. Lebensraum and all that.”

  “Of course, but all this talk about needing more living space for the Germanic peoples is mostly bluff and bluster on Hitler’s part. Propaganda to keep the people convinced that their Führer is divine and watches over them from the heavens. You know what Hitler says, right? ‘Make the lie big. Keep it simple. Keep saying it over and over. And eventually people will believe it. After all, it’s not the truth that matters. Only victory.’”

  “Yeah,” Alemann said gloomily, “but this is much more than bluff and bluster.”

  “Are you suggesting that Benji is possibly in danger?”

  That caught Alemann off guard. “No, no. I really doubt that. As you’ve said before, the missionaries are pretty apolitical, so they should be all right. But that doesn’t mean they’ll not be affected by it. Oh, I doubt that it will come to open conflict. The chancellor of Austria hasn’t got the backbone of Bavarian torte cake. He’s making concessions to Hitler on every hand. I think you’ll see the Anschluss become reality.”

  “A political union between Germany and Austria?” Hans retorted. “Yes, there has been growing tension between our two countries, but the chancellor came to Berchtesgaden to meet with Hitler and work out a solution. Hitler gave him every assurance that he will honor the 1936 agreement guaranteeing Austrian independence.”

  Alemann snorted softly. “And where did you read all that, Hans? In the Nazi Party newspaper? Now there’s a trustworthy source for you.”

  Hans flushed. Actually, that was where he had read it, while having breakfast in the student union building on campus. Not that it mattered. Every newspaper in Germany, even the ones who claimed to be independent, were careful not to cross the official party version of events. Editors who had tried that in the past either had their newspaper shut down or were now warming their heels in prison cells. If truth were to be known, Hans was tired of it all and only glanced at the papers from time to time. “All right,” he finally said, “what are you hearing?”

  “All right. Let me go back about a year. I think there’s a pattern that indicates that events are rapidly escalating.” He raised a hand and began to tick points off on his fingers. “First, March 7, 1936. In a tremendously bold but foolhardy gamble, Hitler ordered German troops to occupy the Rhineland, given to France in 1919 as part of the armistice. Hitler was so sure that France would mobilize their army and retaliate that he gave his top generals standing orders to retreat the moment French forces came in sight.”

  “Which they did not,” Hans said.

  Alemann nodded. “England and France vehemently protested this action, and they dithered and wrung their hands and made a lot of empty threats, but basically they did nothing. Two days later Hitler addressed a deliriously jubilant Parliament and made them and the German people two solemn vows. First, he swore to yield to no power that might try to take the Rhineland back. Second, he ever so humbly and solemnly vowed that Germany has no other territorial demands in Europe and swore that we will never break the peace created by the armistice.”

  “The big lie,” Hans murmured. “Make it big. Tell it often. To hell with the truth.”

  “Exactly,” Alemann cried, “and it worked. So Hitler’s unshakable nerve, and his uncanny ability to read the weakness of his enemies, won the day and bought him enormous popular support from the German people. It was a huge victory. The German people loved it, and him for it.”

  “That’s Adolf,” Hans agreed. “No one has ever accused him of being faint of heart.”

  Alemann reached in his pocket and withdrew a slip of paper. “Second item. Let me read you something Hitler recently said to his generals.” He opened the paper and read softly. “‘One must create the circumstances that bring victory rather than waiting for them to occur naturally. And if we are to have Lebensraum, it will be necessary that we break into other countries and attack their possessions.’”

  Shocked, Hans exhaled slowly. “He actually put it just like that?”

  “Yes, and no one dared challenge him on it.” He put the paper away. “Third, after the other nations’ spineless reaction to his Rhineland triumph, Hitler became convinced that the allied countries—France, Belgium, Holland, England—don’t have the backbone to stand up to his demands.”

  “Not good. Another of his favorite sayings is, ‘Seize the moment. Never let the moment seize you.’”

  “Precisely.” Alemann took a quick breath. “So let’s go on. A few weeks later, Germany signed a pact with Austria recognizing Austria’s sovereignty in exchange for their chancellor signing a pledge that Austria will always remain a German state. Why would their chancellor do that? Because he knows that a large portion of Austria’s population are strong supporters of the Nazi Party and of unification with Germany. Which means his political base is shaky. So he signed the pact, and Hitler wins another highly popular victory. Fourth. A short time later, Nazi Germany and Italy, a Fascist dictatorship under Benito Mussolini, signed the Rome-Berlin Axis Treaty, which commits each country to trade partnerships, economic cooperation, and mutual defense. The leaders of the free world swallowed the promises that neither of the dictators has any aggressive intentions.”

  “Except for King Leopold of Belgium,” Hans interjected.

  “Ah, yes,” Alemann said. “There’s a man who understands the realities of what is going on. With his declaration that Belgium would now be a neutral nation and not politically tied to her former allies, we can see how the smaller European nations feel about developing events.”

  Hans started to say something, but Alemann didn’t notice and stuck out another finger. “Number five. Now it’s May 1937. Not quite a year ago. In England some interesting things are also happening. In the midst of the turmoil of King Edward abdicating the throne to be with his American mistress and King George becoming the new king, Britain elects a new prime minister.”

  “Ah, yes,” Hans said. “Neville Chamberlain, an aristocrat who is so muddled in his political thinking that he is a fervent admirer of Hitler and says they will work together to bring stability to Europe.”

  “Yes. That’s like throwing raw meat to a wolf in hopes that it will go away.”

  “But to be fair,” Hans broke in, “isn’t that the mood of most British people? They don’t want another war with Germany.”

  “Precisely. Which only puts the smell of more blood in the air for our Führer. And brings us to the present crisis with our neighbor to the south, Austria. You remember recently when Hitler, who privately holds Mussolini in deep contempt and calls him a blundering fool behind his back, invited him to come on a state visit? He was wined and dined and taken on tours of various factories that are now churning out tanks, guns, ammunition, airplanes, and so on. His visit was capped off by a massive rally in Berlin, where one million people came to hear the Führer and Il Duce share the podium.”

  “I listened to it on the radio. Disgusting.”

  “Well, what you didn’t hear on the radio is that a short time later, Hitler sent a private delegation to Mussolini stating that Germany was having some political diff
iculties with Austria and hinted that these might take more than ‘diplomacy’ to resolve. And why would he send such a delegation to Mussolini?”

  Hans was staring at the floor. “Because Italy and Austria signed a mutual defense pact. If anyone attacks Austria, Italy is committed to coming to her aid. And what was Mussolini’s reply?”

  “Just what you would expect after being wooed so richly in Germany. He blandly said that the difficulties were strictly a personal matter between two Germanic states and therefore Italy could not intervene.”

  “Whoa,” Hans said, greatly shaken. “So he basically gave Adolf the green light.”

  “Oh, I’d say that was more than ‘basically.’ Okay, one more thing, then I’ll make my point. There are almost as many Austrians who favor a union with Germany as there are those who oppose it. And to make matters worse, the Nazi Party in Austria has been waging a war of terror against the government. Bombings all across the country. Attacks on citizens. And so on.”

  “Wait,” Hans said. “I’ve read about that, and Berlin acknowledges that they may be Nazi Party members, but they deny the party itself has had a hand in it.”

  “Of course they do,” Alemann scoffed, getting up to pace. “But they made a rather awkward blunder. Why do you think Austria’s chancellor came to Bertechsgaden to meet with Hitler? Because he has proof that our government is behind it.” He hurried on as Hans started to protest. “A week or so before, the Austrian government raided the headquarters of the Austrian Nazi Party and found irrefutable evidence that Germany is helping them.”

  “That’s a serious accusation, Alemann, and grounds for war. Are you certain of that?”

  “They not only uncovered a plot by the Austrian Nazi Party to assassinate the chancellor and incite an uprising, but the document outlining that plan had been signed by none other than Rudolf Hess himself. Is that certain enough for you?”

  When Hans didn’t answer, Alemann went on grimly. “So Chancellor Schuschnigg came here last week thinking he was going to negotiate a way through this mess. But on his arrival, Hitler treated him with open contempt and accused him and his government of being the real cause of the unrest and violence. Hitler screamed at him. Yelled in his face. Accused him of trying to stab Germany in the back. Poor Schuschnigg finally left the room in protest of such treatment. Two hours later, he was called back in by Hitler and presented with a paper that laid out ten demands. One of those was that Austria immediately accept the Anschluss.”

  Hans was stunned. “What will they do?”

  “Austria is still negotiating, but we do have several divisions at the border, and Austria knows that. They’ll capitulate. What choice do they have? Mussolini’s turned his back on them. Chamberlain, who fawns over Hitler as if he were the king of England himself, has also publicly declared that this is an internal affair between two German states and washed his hands of it.”

  “So annexing Austria is a done deal, basically?”

  “Yes. Not if, only when.”

  “So who’s next? Who will be the second target?”

  “He’s going to go after the Czechs,” Alemann answered. “And he is prepared for war. And who knows what else after that.” He reached out and laid a hand on Hans’s shoulder. “This is why I felt compelled to seek you out. Richelle and I have talked about this for days. And we have come to the conclusion that there is only one solution for our dilemma. And by ‘our,’ I mean both of our families. For this is not just a Jewish thing now.”

  “Emigrate,” Hans whispered. “We have to emigrate.”

  “Yes!” Alemann was pleased that he had seen it so quickly. “Emigrate to America. And if that’s not possible, emigrate to Australia. But either way, we have to get out as quickly as possible, because if we don’t and war breaks out, then we’re here for the duration.”

  “I agree.” Hans’s voice was barely a whisper. “But how?”

  “It’s not going to be easy. And it’s going to take a lot of money. We’re hearing that some emigration officials are demanding thousands of marks to get the paperwork ‘cleared.’ And it’s also going to take a lot of time and careful action.” His tone softened. “Richelle and I have the money. For all of us. But we aren’t free to go anywhere and do all that it will take to make it happen. So . . .” There was a deep sigh, then he rushed on. “So, we decided to ask for your help. But this is not just because we need you. You are our dearest friends. It’s not just our family that is in danger here. You know how much we love your family. If we go together, it will be so much easier for both of us, and especially for—”

  “Yes,” Hans cut in.

  Alemann’s head snapped up and there were instant tears in his eyes. “Do you mean that?”

  “I do. I don’t see any other way. We’ll have to take Oma Inga with us too.”

  “Of course,” Alemann said, wiping at his eyes. “We wouldn’t do it without her. That makes eleven of us, Hans. It’s not going to be easy.”

  Hans laughed bitterly. “You think?”

  Chapter Notes

  The events discussed in this chapter are given in much greater detail in Shirer’s Rise and Fall, chapters 9–11, and Kershaw’s To Hell and Back, chapter 7. The quote attributed to Hitler in this chapter is an actual statement he made to his generals, but it was given on 23 May 1939, about a year later than is shown here (see Kershaw, 295).

  April 11, 1938, 9:30 p.m.—

  Margareten District, Vienna, Austria

  Hi and hello to my favorite person to write to (don’t tell my mom I said that).

  Lots to tell you, so I’ll jump right in. The big news is that I am no longer president of the Vienna Branch. President and Sister McKay stayed over for church yesterday and sustained and set apart a new branch president and his counselors—all Germans. Yeah!

  Mixed emotions over the release, of course. I have come to love the members here in ways that missionaries don’t normally get to do. When you counsel with them, extend callings to them, and help them with all kinds of challenges, you grow very close to them. But it really cut heavily into our missionary work. We have neglected some of our less enthusiastic contacts, so we started visiting them today.

  I hesitate as I write this next thing. I have some bad news. Well, it’s bad in a way and good in another way. (Though you’re going to say it’s mostly bad, I’m pretty sure of that.) Anyway, after sacrament meeting yesterday, President McKay asked if he could meet with me for a few minutes before they left for the train station. Just me, not my companion. My heart sank. I thought maybe he was going to transfer me, but then that didn’t make any sense since I had just gotten a greenie companion. Then I wondered if he wanted to talk about me and you. I wondered if someone had complained about us being alone together in Munich. Though we really weren’t alone. Just a little ways apart from the others.

  Listen to me. Running on like I was twelve or something. You can tell I’m stalling. I am now the most senior missionary in the mission, with just over three months left. I say that so you will better understand what I’m about to tell you.

  Which is . . .

  President McKay asked me if I would extend for three months.

  I can hear you saying right now, “Extend? What exactly does that mean, Elder Westland?” It means that my release date is no longer June 26th. Now it is September 26th. Though President and Sister McKay have been here for three months now, he’s feeling pretty overwhelmed, especially with the Austria part of the mission. And we received twenty-two new missionaries last month. Which is great, but he’s got to train them and help them open new areas, which means finding flats for them and so on. So he’s asked if I would act kind of like a special assistant to the president, focusing on Austria.

  Lisa, I know this will come as a great disappointment to you. After three years, three more months doesn’t sound like a lot, but I’m sure it will feel like another year to us in so
me ways. Mom and Dad and the family are going to be disappointed too. But I have to be honest. Though in some ways it was a disappointment to extend, I feel honored to be asked. It made me feel good that President has that much confidence in me.

  Okay. Now that I’ve given you the bad news, here’s a piece of good news. President said that if I will extend, then he will make an exception in my case. Instead of traveling home through Marseilles and on to New York, he will book passage for me out of Hamburg and approve me stopping for a day or two in Munich on the way home. I hope that makes up for the disappointment a little. It does for me.

  On to another subject. We haven’t done that much tracting lately. There has been so much going on politically these last few weeks. I know you are reading about the events, but we have been living them. The recent Anschluss with Germany has been a very divisive issue, even for some of our branch members. Feelings run strong each way, though more of our members are against it than for it, while it seems like more of the population are happy about it. Some of them deliriously so.

  President McKay asked all missionaries in Austria to stay off the streets during the time of the actual transition, which turned out to be wise. I was really surprised at how quickly we had German soldiers everywhere in Vienna, coming in convoys of trucks, marching in long formations, Nazi flags going up on almost every building and flagpole.

  The papers say there has been some rioting in the city and that fistfights often break out. But with more troops on the streets all the time, things are calming down now. I heard one man complain that with all the army here, it felt more like an occupation than a union. But when the vote was held on the union, both here and in Germany, the response was overwhelmingly in favor of the union—99.75% in Germany, 99.08% here in Austria.

  Some people on the streets say that SS and storm troopers were at many polling stations intimidating people, but I don’t know that for sure. We didn’t vote, of course, because we are Americans. And we are also strongly counseled to stay perfectly neutral when it comes to politics. But we are already seeing the effects of the change. Besides German troops being everywhere now, rumors are flying that the Gestapo and the SS are now rounding up those who most vigorously opposed the union—70,000 of them, according to some. They are brought in for questioning and possible detainment. Whether that is true or not is difficult to determine.