The Islamic Drama

by Jamshid Malekpour

  During the Safavid period, there were two main groups of story-tellers. The first group recounted the epic stories of Shah-nameh, or The Book of Kings, by Ferdowsi, and were called shah-nameh-khan (reader of Shah-nameh). The second group was called hamla-khan (reader of Hamla-ye-Haydari). This book told of the battles of Imam Ali, father of Imam Hussein. There are a few Iranian scholars, including Baharam Bayzaie,72 who firmly believe that the Taʹziyeh took most of its performing elements from these two forms of story-telling. If this argument is correct, then the Taʹziyeh appears to have followed a process of development similar to that followed by Greek drama several centuries earlier. It has been widely accepted that Greek drama developed from the ‘dithyramb’ and/or ‘rhapsodia’, or recitation of the epic poems of Homer. Brockett writes:

  Gerald Else has advanced the theory that drama was a deliberate rather than a gradual creation. As he sees it, the religious festivals for some time prior to 534 had featured oral reader (or rhapsodes) in recitations of passages from such epic poems as the Iliad and Odyssey. He believes that these readings had become increasingly dramatic and that when the City Dionysia was reorganized in 534 the logical step—dramatization of what had come to be dramatic narrative— was taken.73

  If the Iliad and Odyssey of Homer were as important in the development of Greek drama as Else claims, a similar case can be made for the importance of the Shah-nameh of Ferdowsi in relation to the development of the Taʹziyeh. The epics share many similarities in both form and content. As Amin Banani in Ferdowsi and the Art of Tragic Epic notes:

  In their origin, nature and functions, as well as in form and content, there are arresting similarities between the two poems… Both poems abound in warm human touches that evoke pathos and enhance the evolving drama. Transcending these more or less formal similarities are the fundamental parallels of human behavior under similar relationships and social conditions, and the recognizable range of human types in the Iliad and the Shah-nameh. The affinities of the indispensable hero Rostam with Achilles; of the capricious, covetous, apprehensive, and envious monarch Kay Kavus with Agamemnon; of the solid and martial Giv with Ajax; of the wily and wise Piran with Odysseus; of the dutiful and sacrificial Gudarz with Hector; of the impetuous and handsome Bizhan with Paris.74

  Apart from shah-nameh-khani, another form of story-telling came into existence in the Safavid period and this form was certainly an important influence on the development of the Taʹziyeh. This Visual form’ of story-telling was known as pardeh-dari or pardeh-khani.

  These story-tellers (pardeh-khans) hung a huge painted canvas, or pardeh, on a wall in a square or a tea-house. Painted on this canvas were events in the stories being told, and the story-teller would refer to it while telling his story. The paintings were usually divided into three categories depending on the subject matter of what was depicted. The first category was called Epic Paintings (Figures 11, 12),

  11. Bourzo, a famous story-teller of Shah-nameh.

  and these paintings illustrated the stories of the Shah-nameh such as The Death of Siavush, Rustam and Sohrab and Rustam and Esfandiar. The second category was entitled Romantic Paintings and was based on biblical and Qurʹanic stories such as The Story of Joseph and Zuleicha. The final category was entitled Religious Paintings (Figures 13, 14) and depicted scenes from the Karbala tragedies. These pain tings, which were accompanied by the recitations and gestures of story-tellers, created a truly dramatic atmosphere and enabled members of the audience to visualize the events and the characters of the story. In this way, the performance allowed the spectators to relate to the action being recounted in a manner that was, in many ways, similar to the kind of empathic contact that takes place in a fully dramatized piece of theatre.

  All story-tellers, whatever their forms of story-telling, shared similar techniques and goals. They all needed a good voice and extensive knowledge of the art of poetry and story-telling. They all knew how to tell a story in a manner that held the audience’s interest and attention.

  12. The Martyrdom of Siavush.

  13. A story-teller relates the tragedy of the Karbala plain, using a huge painted canvas. Shiraz, 1972.

  These story-tellers not only narrated the stories, but acted them out. In their performances, they embodied the characters in a manner that enabled the audience to see them and to empathize with them. This performance style of story-telling had a powerful influence on the Taʹziyeh, in particular on the manner in which the Taʹziyeh was to be acted. The Taʹziyeh actors borrowed many of their skills from these story-tellers.

  MUSIC AND SONG

  Music and song were of great importance in the development of the Taʹziyeh and created an operatic style for this dramatic form. Furthermore, the Taʹziyeh protected musicians and singers against those religious people (mostly clerics) who were opposed to the use of music and considered its performance a corrupt act. The important role that the Taʹ ziyeh had in protecting Iranian music is stressed by Abolhassan Saba, a prominent Iranian musician: ‘Until now it has been the Taʹziyeh that has protected our music. Regretfully, I do not know what will do the same for our music in the future.’*75

  14. A religious painting of the Karbala events, used by story-tellers.

  15. Canvas showing the whole story of Moslem ibn Aqil, a follower of Imam Hussein, from his trip to Kufa to his capture and martyrdom.

  Music had a special place in pre-Islamic Iran, with such great musicians as Barbad and Nakisa.76 However, as Malekol Shoara-Bahar writes:

  After Islam, all forms of minstrelsy and entertainment vanished. One of the characteristics of non-Aryan religions is the banning of entertainment and dance and song, while one of the features of Aryan religions, especially the old ones such as Brahamaism, Buddaism, Mithraism and Zoroastrianism, is dance and music and all sorts of sports and entertainment.*77

  In spite of these restrictions and difficulties, Iranian music never died and managed to survive by adapting itself to the new situation. One group of musicians took refuge inside the courts, which were closed to the public, and another group became solo performers and travelled from city to city and village to village. Sometimes they were welcomed, sometimes they were humiliated. This situation continued until the sixteenth century, when the Safavid dynasty gained power and established the first Shiʹa state in Iran. This dynasty created such an oppressive religious and social atmosphere that neither the court musicians nor the solo performers were able to keep working. Miraculously, however, it was religion, the very element that had damaged the existence and the growth of music, that came to its rescue and gave it a new function. Music was employed first in the mourning rites of Muharram, and then in the Taʹziyeh, where certain forms of singing and some musical instruments were used. Consequently, those who had a desire to sing or play an instrument found an opportunity to do so by taking part in the mourning ceremonies and the Taʹziyeh. The quality of the music used in the Taʹziyeh was enriched and this helped to make the Taʹziyeh into a form of ‘poetic drama’ in which music was an integral part of every performance. Rohollah Khaleghi writes:

  Taʹziyeh was one of the main means by which some of our national songs were protected. In Taʹziyeh, it was the singing that did most to ensure the survival of the country’s musical heritage. A singer with a good voice was most able to please an audience or a group of mourners. Therefore, the young men who had warm and beautiful voices were selected to perform roles in the Taʹziyeh. They were trained by master players who knew [the techniques of] singing … It was because of this that singers who had been trained at the school of the Taʹziyeh were able to attain such high standards in the art of singing.*78

  In conclusion, we may say that the Taʹziyeh developed from different elements drawn from the pre-Islamic and Islamic cultures of Iran. These ceremonial elements included the mourning rites of Siavush and Hussein, processions, and the reading of elegies and gave the Taʹziyeh a ritualistic quality and an extraordinary central figure, Imam Hussein, as a protagonist.


  NOTES

  1 . A Literary History of Persia, vol. III, p. 31.

  2 . Meskoob, Shahrokh, Sogh-e Siavush, Tehran, Kharazmi Publishers, 1971, pp. 87–8.

  3 . Safar-nameh Tavernier, trans. A.Nori, Tehran, Sanaie Publications, 1957, p. 414.

  4 . Olearius, Adam, Safar-nameh Adam Orlearius, trans. Ahmad Behpur, Tehran, 1984, pp. 117–18.

  5 . Chardin, Jean, Safar be Iran va Hunde-Sharghie, Tehran, 1975.

  6 . Sanson, Voyage ou Relation, Paris, 1695.

  7 . Gemelli-Careri, John Francis, A Voyage Round the World, Naples, 1700, p. 146.

  8 . Killing Megies (Zoroastrian priests) was an annual ceremony dating back to 522 BC. When Cambyses succeeded Cyrus and became king of Persia in 529 BC, he decided to attack Eygpt. However, he was very concerned about his brother, Bardiya, considering him as a threat to his supremacy. Before moving towards Egypt Cambyses had him secretly put to death. A few years later when he was on his way home he received news that a Medean mage named Gaumata was claiming to be Bardiya and revolting against his throne. Upon receiving the news he rushed home to fight Bardiya, but he was himself wounded and died in 522 BC in Syria. When Gaumata received the news of the death of Cambyses, he proclaimed himself king. However, the members of the royal family stood against him and he was killed. That event turned into an annual celebration. Gaumata was represented by a puppet that the people set fire to in the streets. The ritual of Killing Omar was an Islamic adaptation of this ceremony.

  9 . Observations Made on a Tour from Bengal to Persia, London, 1790, pp. 240–50.

  10 . Taʹ ziyeh va Ta’ziyeh-Khani, Shiraz, Navid Publications, 1991, p. 19.

  11 . Namayesh Kohan Irani va Naghali, Tehran, Shiraz Arts Festival, 1967, p. 9.

  12 . Theatre Irani, Tehran, Shiraz Arts Festival, 1971, p. 2.

  13 . Namayesh dar Iran, Tehran, 1965, p. 122.

  14 . Ibid., p. 122.

  15 . Persia and the Persians, London, John Murray, 1887, pp. 382–8.

  16 . They were boys dressed as girls.

  17 . These chairs were borrowed from the royal court for this occasion.

  18 . Dastan-e Zandeghi Man, Tehran, Elmi Publishers, 1945, pp. 396–401.

  19 . Malekpour, Jamshid, Tarikh-e Namayesh dar Jahan, Tehran, Kyhan Publishers, 1985, pp. 5–7.

  20 . Passargad, B., Masahab-e-Jahan, Tehran, Gotonberg Publishers, 1957, p. 32.

  21 . Muhammadan Festivals, New York, 1951, p. 88.

  22 . Abydos was the holy city of the ancient Egypt, where Osiris and many Pharaohs were buried.

  23 . A Guide to Religious Ritual at Abydos, London, Aris & Philips, 1981, pp. 162–3.

  24 . Breasted, J.H., Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, London, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1912, p. 286.

  25 . Budge, E.A.Wallis, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, London, P.L.Warner, 1911, p. 112.

  26 . Ikhernefret was an official of King Senusret (1878–41 BC) and was responsible for the organization of the annual festival of Osiris at Abydos. The Stella of Ikhernefret is in the Berlin Museum.

  27 . Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 287.

  28 . The jackal god, brother of Anubis.

  29 . The sacred bark of Osiris.

  30 . Osiris.

  31 . Osiris as the risen god.

  32 . Thespis, New York, Anchor Books, 1961, pp. 67–8.

  33 . History of the Theatre, p. 11.

  34 . Plutarch, Peri Isidos Kai Osiridos, University of Wales Press, 1970.

  35 . Taʹ ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, p. 93.

  36 . The story of Siavush is similar to that of Hippolytus (Euripides) or Phèdre (Racine).

  37 . Fire was a sacred element for Zoroastrian Iranians. The fire-test entailed passing through a narrow passage between two huge blocks of fire. If the accused was able to pass through, he or she was innocent.

  38 . Ferdowsi, Shah-nameh, vol. II, Jibi Publications, Tehran, 1985, p. 204.

  39 . Avesta, the holy book of the Zoroastrians.

  40 . Syavarsan consisted of two parts; sya, meaning ‘black’, and varsan, meaning ‘male’ and ‘male animal’. Therefore, Syavarsan could be interpreted as ‘black horse’.

  41 . Pajoheshi dar Asatir-e Iran, Tehran, Toos Publishers, 1983, p. 157.

  42 . A cultural centre located in the north-east of Iran, now part of Ozbakestan.

  43 . The revenge of Siavush.

  44 . Weeping of the Magi.

  45 . Tarikh-e Bukhara, edited by M.Razavi, Tehran, 1972, pp. 20–8.

  46 . Namayesh dar Iran, p. 123.

  47 . Bonyad-e-Namayesh dar Iran, pp. 25–6.

  48 . Theatre Irani, p. 1.

  49 . Taʹ ziyeh dar Iran, pp. 15–18.

  50 . Persian Literature, New York, Columbia University Press, 1988, p. 93.

  51 . A city close to Bukhara.

  52 . Archaeology in Soviet Central Asia…, Leiden and Koln, 1970, pp. 72–8.

  53 . Archaeokgy in the U.S.S.R., Moscow, 1959, p. 295.

  54 . Zamakh-shari, author of Al-Kashaf-fee-tafsir-Al Koran, a prominent philologist and commentator on the Qurʹan in the tenth century.

  55 . Rowzatuʹll Shuhada, pp. 357–8.

  56 . Ibid., p. 357.

  57. This is probably why the Taʹziyeh, a ritualistic form of drama, survived for such a long time in spite of many difficulties, and preserved its popularity to this date.

  58 . There is a Taʹziyeh, Kia-Khusrau and Holiness Saloman (Kia-Khusrou va Hazrat-e Soliaman), in the Vatican Collection.

  59 . Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, p. 34.

  60 . Rowzatuʹll Shuhada, p. 350.

  61 . I witnessed this rite in 1972 and in 1997.

  62 . These theatrical elements will be discussed in Chapter 5.

  63 . Sogh-e Siavush, pp. 81–2.

  64 . Persia, Bridge of Turquoise, p. 195.

  65 . A Literary History of Persia, vol. IV, p. 180.

  66 . Ibn-e-Hassam, Khavaran-nameh, ed. M.Ghasi-Said, Tehran, 1926.

  67 . Bazel, M.R., Hamla-ye-Haydari, Tehran, 1851.

  68 . The term ‘rowza-khani’ or ‘recitation of Karbala stories’ was taken from the title of this book.

  69 . Rowzatuʹll Shuhada, p. 351.

  70 . Ibid., pp. 333–4.

  71 . This song was recorded by J.Malekpour during the Ashura ceremony in 1978.

  72 . Namayesh dar Iran, p. 72.

  73 . History of the Theatre, pp. 13–14.

  74 . Persian Literature, pp. 117–18.

  75 . Majaleh Moseghi, No. 3, Tehran, 1947, p. 10.

  76 . The first document of any extent on Persian music came down to us from the Sassanian period (AD 224–662). This was an age in which music flourished and musicians enjoyed an exalted status at the court… Emperor Khosrow II maintained many musicians at his court. Some of their names have survived. Ramtin, Azad, Sarkash, Bamshad, Nakisa and Barbad were among the prominent musicians of his time. The most illustrious of them was Barbad, a legendary figure whose deeds have been sung in the verses of many poets.’ Farhat, H., The Traditional Art Music of Iran, Tehran, Ministry of Culture and Art, 1973, p. 3.

  77 . Majmo-a-Maghalat, Tehran, 1934, p. 21.

  78 . Sargosasht-e Moseghi dar Iran, Tehran, Safi Ali-Shah Publications, 1974, p. 348.

  CHAPTER 4

  Taʹ ziyeh Plays

  AS THE ENTIRE BUSINESS of performing the Taʹziyeh was considered to be an act of devotion, none of the people who wrote or composed the scripts ever bothered to put their signature on them. Consequently, today we are not able to identify the authors of the Taʹ ziyeh plays. Furthermore, the scripts were not written or created by single hands or drawn from single sources. They were ‘composed’ from different sources by different people. Nevertheless, those various materials had to be gathered together and synthesized by a person whose duty it was to assemble the whole Taʹziyeh. His tasks included the provision of a unified text for performance, the selection and training of the actors, the direction
of the actors on the stage, and so on. This person was called Moin al-Boka or ‘Master of the Taʹziyeh’. this role was somewhat similar to the role taken by the choregoi in Greek theatre or the prompter in the Elizabethan theatre. The duty of a choregoi in Greek theatre was to train and costume the chorus as well as to select the musicians and supply the props. The prompter in the Elizabethan theatre was responsible for running performances, making lists of props, costumes and music and copying out the actors’ roles.1

  Today we know little about these Masters of the Taʹziyeh apart from a few of their names. Who they were, how they got involved with the Taʹziyeh or, indeed, what they composed or performed are all questions that we cannot answer with any accuracy. Khaje Hussein Ali-Khan, Mirza Mohammad Taqi, Mirza Mohammad Bagher, Seyyed Sadeq, Mirza Ali Akbar, Mirza Yahya, Seyyed Abdol Baqi and Mir Aza were the most famous Masters of the Taʹziyeh during the Qajar period—the golden era of the Taʹziyeh in Iran. Today scholars and performers of the Taʹziyeh believe that most of the manuscripts were written by these Masters, or at least revised by them. For this reason, the Masters of the Taʹziyeh should be considered the first and most important persons involved in the process of composing the scripts.

  Improvization has to be considered as a major factor in the composition of the Taʹ ziyeh. Most of the actors had well-trained voices and a good knowledge of both music and poetry. As they were free to improvise during performances, they could make changes to their characters. These changes were incorporated into the written versions of the scripts, and the modified versions were then passed down from one generation to another.