Trump's America

by Newt Gingrich

  However, Jackson won a plurality—not a majority. John Quincy Adams, the son of our second president, received 84 electoral votes and 108,740 popular votes. William Crawford came in third in the electoral college with 41 electoral votes but was fourth in popular vote with 41,032 votes. Henry Clay was fourth in electoral votes at 37 electoral votes but passed Crawford with 47,545 popular votes.

  In short, the election was a mess. Jackson had 41.36 percent of the popular vote. Adams had 30.92 percent. Crawford and Clay had 11.21 percent and 12.99 percent, respectively. However, Jackson got fewer electoral votes per popular vote than his opponents.

  What made things even worse was that the weakest electoral college candidate, Clay, was the Speaker of the House. He would preside over the House picking the president since the electoral college had failed to produce a majority.

  The House then selected John Quincy Adams to be president. President Adams, in turn, promptly appointed Speaker Clay to be Secretary of State. This had important symbolism in 1824 because the last four presidents had all been Secretary of State. In effect, Adams was signaling Clay would be the president after him.

  To the already angry Jacksonians, this was the establishment stealing success from their hero. They knew exactly what had happened. There had been a “corrupt bargain” between Adams and Clay. These two members of the establishment had cheated America of its hero through petty personal ambition. The anger was instant and exploded months before the inauguration, which back then was held in March.

  Jackson was an energetic, naturally hostile figure. He had been a fighter since childhood (a British soldier slashed his face with a saber when he was 13, leaving him with a scar and a deep desire for vengeance against the British). For Jackson, all of life was passionate and personal.

  After the 1824 election, he was offended and enraged.

  Long before Adams was sworn in, the Jacksonians were blanketing the country with their shocking story of the “corrupt bargain.” They became so well organized they set the record for using franking privilege to send postage-free mail. Jackson’s supporters in the House and Senate took every anti-Adams newspaper and mailed them far and wide at taxpayer expense.

  In rural America, Jacksonian campaigners attacked and defamed Adams for four years straight. When Adams said America needed an observatory, the Jacksonians sensed a big mistake. All across rural America, Jacksonians pulled people out of taverns, pointed to the stars and said things like, “Can you see them for free?” When their constituents would nod, the Jacksonians would point out Adams had grown so European he wanted to spend their money to have the government look at their free stars. The ridicule sank in.

  As Robert V. Remini outlines in his book, The Election of Andrew Jackson, the Adams-Clay forces couldn’t match the intensity, the anger, the organization, or the maniacal determination of the Jacksonians. It is a remarkable book, which we studied in designing the Contract with America campaign in 1994.

  After four years of daily assaults, the election of 1828 was decisive. Jackson won the Electoral College 178–83. He won the popular vote 642,553 to 500,897 (56 percent to 43.6 percent).

  Jackson governed tumultuously against various strong forces. He destroyed the Bank of the United States, the largest financial institution in America. Yet, he governed so frugally, the United States was briefly out of debt shortly after he left office.

  Jackson built a system, the Democratic Party, which elected his vice president for one term, lost an election to the opposition, and then elected President James K. Polk—another former governor of Tennessee. In fact, until 1860 and the election of Abraham Lincoln, the Jacksonians were the dominant force in America. It is worth noting, too, in 1860, Lincoln got a smaller percentage of the total vote than Jackson but because his multiple opponents were split in a unique way, he had a decisive majority in the Electoral College. Lincoln actually fought and won the Civil War starting from a narrower base than Jackson had.

  The Trump system is very much like the Jacksonian system. It is trying to replace a deeply entrenched establishment. It is trying to defeat the cultural, academic, and news media elites. It is trying to drain the swamp and root out the deep state. None of these opposing forces are going to go quietly. They understand that this is life and death for their values and their interest groups.

  The bitterness, meanness, and ferocity of the Senate Democrats in methodically blocking every Trump appointee is so destructive of government, it is putting partisanship above patriotism. Watch a week or two of the lockstep blocking of people whose lives are on hold. This is a cynical, deliberate strategy made even more effective because the permanent bureaucrats running things while appointees are blocked are overwhelmingly liberal and part of the anti-Trump coalition.

  As Jackson had his Jacksonians, President Trump needs the people of Trump’s America if America’s great comeback is to continue. The fight will go on. I think we will win. With your help, I am a lot more certain. This is the real test of Trump’s America, and 2018 is the decisive battle.

  Acknowledgments

  Trump’s America was a challenging project, and I am grateful to the remarkable team of people who helped me think it through.

  Conceptualizing and writing Trump’s America was made unusually complicated by the fact that Callista became the American Ambassador to the Holy See, and I was spending 70 percent of my time in Rome, Italy. Many pages of this book were written and edited on trans-Atlantic airplane flights at very odd hours. Callista’s support and encouragement was essential in this complicated process. In addition, Bess Kelly made an enormous difference in our ability to both serve the United States and remain productive.

  Here at home, I have to thank the team at Gingrich Productions who helped think through and research the wide-ranging topics. Louie Brogdon took the leading role in developing the ideas. He was assisted at every turn by Joe Desantis, Claire Christensen, and Anne Woodbury. As he has for more than 30 years, Joe Gaylord offered invaluable advice. Randy Evans, who is my close friend and a brilliant lawyer, once again helped focus us, as he did so successfully with Understanding Trump. My daughter, Kathy Lubbers, once again represented us as our agent. My other daughter, Jackie Cushman, discussed with me many of the ideas that ended up in this book. Woody Hales did an excellent job scheduling and keeping me focused and on time. Audrey Bird did a remarkable job marketing Understanding Trump and gave us confidence we would reach a lot of people with Trump’s America. Christina Maruna does an amazing job of managing our social media and digital projects, including experiments like our “What If?” series of alternative histories that is now approaching 50,000 followers on Facebook. She has been critical to growing our more than 2 million followers on Twitter and more than a million followers on Facebook. Taylor Swindle keeps all the finances straight, and John Hines simply keeps the system running and supports what I am doing in an endless number of ways. Of course, I would also like to thank our three hardworking interns—Miracle Parish, Cameron Bosch, and Casey Ryan—who were a great help every step of the way. It is a great team, and it gives me confidence to undertake projects like Trump’s America.

  Kate Hartson was once again a great partner and editor in this, our fifth book together. Her enthusiasm and encouragement made it a lot easier to stay focused.

  No one has done more to expose the corruption of the deep state than Sean Hannity, and his insights, hard work, network of reporters, and persistence shaped a lot of my thinking about just how sick the system has become. Andy McCarthy’s years as a federal prosecutor and his intense focus on the distortions in the Justice Department process were a significant factor in my writing about the investigatory system. So was my friendship with Scooter Libby, who remains a vivid example of injustice and the power an independent counsel can wield to deliberately trap an innocent person. Scooter’s experience informs a great deal of my suspicion about putting too much power in one lawyer’s hands. Conversations with Leonard Leo of the Federalist Society, along with Evan
s, helped further clarify the legal situation.

  Vince Haley and Ross Worthington used to work at Gingrich Productions but are now speechwriters for President Trump. Chatting with them and swapping ideas substantially improved my own thinking. Their colleague, Tony Dolan, brought to this process his own depth of experience as chief speechwriter for both President Ronald Reagan and Secretary of Defense Don Rumsfeld, and his extraordinary career as a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist. He is a national treasure.

  The insights of David Winston and Myra Miller from their years of polling expertise helped me think about what is happening to the American people.

  On the political side, the insights of Republican National Committee Chair Ronna McDaniel, and experienced strategists like Mike and Katie Shields, Corry Bliss, Governor Haley Barbour, Barry Casselman, and Johnny DeStefano enriched my thinking. Emily Schillinger and the staff at the House Ways and Means Committee were also incredibly helpful in helping me understand the details of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act.

  On national security and America’s role in the world, I first have to acknowledge the extraordinary achievement of Dr. Nadia Schadlow in developing a wide consensus for the National Security Strategy. The seven-month development of this document beginning in May 2017 was a major achievement and educated all of us who were privileged to participate. I am confident this book would have been much narrower without Dr. Schadlow’s extraordinary work.

  For years, I have also looked to Herman Pirchner, Ilan Berman, Cliff May, Kiron Skinner, and General Jack Keane for national security advice.

  On the opioid crisis, Anne Woodbury, Patrick Kennedy, and Van Jones played major roles.

  Pat Nolan also helped me better understand this crisis and continues to be invaluable on criminal justice reform. Pete Earley, with whom I write fiction books, was also enormously helpful on issues of mental illness and the prison system.

  For getting a grasp on current economics, Stephen Moore, Kevin Hassett, Larry Kudlow, Alfredo Ortiz, Steve Hantler, Ken Kies, and John Mauldin were all helpful.

  In understanding how to approach writing the “Helping Americans Return to Work” chapter, Mary Mayhew of Maine has provided an excellent model as the leading reformer in the country. The leaders of America Works in New York City also have a long, distinguished career of helping people move from dependency to work.

  On the great potential of American leadership in space, I have been working with Representative Bob Walker for over 30 years. Jim Muncy, Tony Tether, General Pete Worden, Bill Brunner, Lynn Rothschild, Mark Lewis, Scott Pace, Dan Golden, Sean O’Keefe, and the leadership of Blue Origin, SpaceX, Sierra Nevada Corporation, United Launch Alliance, Stratolaunch, and others have been inspirational. A morning with Jeff Bezos discussing his personal $1 billion-a-year investment in space was extraordinary. We are on the verge of great breakthroughs, and these are the kind of people who can make it happen.

  Each one of these wonderful people played an important role in making Trump’s America a useful, interesting book. Any mistakes are, of course, mine.

  About the Author

  Newt Gingrich is a former Speaker of the House of Representatives and 2012 presidential candidate. He is a Fox News contributor and the author of 36 books, including 15 New York Times bestsellers. Through Gingrich Productions, he has also produced and hosted documentary films. Recent films include The First American and Nine Days that Changed the World.

  Remarks by President Trump to the People of Poland

  July 6, 2017

  Krasin´ski Square

  Warsaw, Poland

  Thank you very much. That’s so nice. The United States has many great diplomats, but there is truly no better ambassador for our country than our beautiful First Lady, Melania. Thank you, Melania. That was very nice.

  We’ve come to your nation to deliver a very important message: America loves Poland, and America loves the Polish people. Thank you.

  The Poles have not only greatly enriched this region, but Polish-Americans have also greatly enriched the United States, and I was truly proud to have their support in the 2016 election.

  It is a profound honor to stand in this city, by this monument to the Warsaw Uprising, and to address the Polish nation that so many generations have dreamed of: a Poland that is safe, strong, and free.

  President Duda and your wonderful First Lady, Agata, have welcomed us with the tremendous warmth and kindness for which Poland is known around the world. Thank you. My sincere—and I mean sincerely thank both of them. And to Prime Minister Syzdlo, a very special thanks also.

  We are also pleased that former President Lech Walesa, so famous for leading the Solidarity Movement, has joined us today, also.

  On behalf of all Americans, let me also thank the entire Polish people for the generosity you have shown in welcoming our soldiers to your country. These soldiers are not only brave defenders of freedom, but also symbols of America’s commitment to your security and your place in a strong and democratic Europe.

  We are proudly joined on stage by American, Polish, British, and Romanian soldiers. Thank you. Thank you. Great job.

  President Duda and I have just come from an incredibly successful meeting with the leaders participating in the Three Seas Initiative. To the citizens of this great region, America is eager to expand our partnership with you. We welcome stronger ties of trade and commerce as you grow your economies. And we are committed to securing your access to alternate sources of energy, so Poland and its neighbors are never again held hostage to a single supplier of energy.

  Mr. President, I congratulate you, along with the President of Croatia, on your leadership of this historic Three Seas Initiative. Thank you.

  This is my first visit to Central Europe as President, and I am thrilled that it could be right here at this magnificent, beautiful piece of land. It is beautiful. Poland is the geographic heart of Europe, but more importantly, in the Polish people, we see the soul of Europe. Your nation is great because your spirit is great and your spirit is strong.

  For two centuries, Poland suffered constant and brutal attacks. But while Poland could be invaded and occupied, and its borders even erased from the map, it could never be erased from history or from your hearts. In those dark days, you have lost your land but you never lost your pride.

  So it is with true admiration that I can say today, that from the farms and villages of your countryside to the cathedrals and squares of your great cities, Poland lives, Poland prospers, and Poland prevails.

  Despite every effort to transform you, oppress you, or destroy you, you endured and overcame. You are the proud nation of Copernicus—think of that—Chopin, Saint John Paul II. Poland is a land of great heroes. And you are a people who know the true value of what you defend.

  The triumph of the Polish spirit over centuries of hardship gives us all hope for a future in which good conquers evil, and peace achieves victory over war.

  For Americans, Poland has been a symbol of hope since the beginning of our nation. Polish heroes and American patriots fought side by side in our War of Independence and in many wars that followed. Our soldiers still serve together today in Afghanistan and Iraq, combatting the enemies of all civilization.

  For America’s part, we have never given up on freedom and independence as the right and destiny of the Polish people, and we never, ever will.

  Our two countries share a special bond forged by unique histories and national characters. It’s a fellowship that exists only among people who have fought and bled and died for freedom.

  The signs of this friendship stand in our nation’s capital. Just steps from the White House, we’ve raised statues of men with names like Pułaski and Kos´ciuszko. The same is true in Warsaw, where street signs carry the name of George Washington, and a monument stands to one of the world’s greatest heroes, Ronald Reagan.

  And so I am here today not just to visit an old ally, but to hold it up as an example for others who seek freedom and who wish to summo
n the courage and the will to defend our civilization. The story of Poland is the story of a people who have never lost hope, who have never been broken, and who have never, ever forgotten who they are.

  Such a great honor. This is a nation more than one thousand years old. Your borders were erased for more than a century and only restored just one century ago.

  In 1920, in the Miracle of Vistula, Poland stopped the Soviet army bent on European conquest. Then, 19 years later in 1939, you were invaded yet again, this time by Nazi Germany from the west and the Soviet Union from the east. That’s trouble. That’s tough.

  Under a double occupation the Polish people endured evils beyond description: the Katyn forest massacre, the occupations, the Holocaust, the Warsaw Ghetto and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, the destruction of this beautiful capital city, and the deaths of nearly one in five Polish people. A vibrant Jewish population—the largest in Europe—was reduced to almost nothing after the Nazis systematically murdered millions of Poland’s Jewish citizens, along with countless others, during that brutal occupation.

  In the summer of 1944, the Nazi and Soviet armies were preparing for a terrible and bloody battle right here in Warsaw. Amid that hell on earth, the citizens of Poland rose up to defend their homeland. I am deeply honored to be joined on stage today by veterans and heroes of the Warsaw Uprising.

  What great spirit. We salute your noble sacrifice and we pledge to always remember your fight for Poland and for freedom.

  This monument reminds us that more than 150,000 Poles died during that desperate struggle to overthrow oppression.

  From the other side of the river, the Soviet armed forces stopped and waited. They watched as the Nazis ruthlessly destroyed the city, viciously murdering men, women, and children. They tried to destroy this nation forever by shattering its will to survive.

  But there is a courage and a strength deep in the Polish character that no one could destroy. The Polish martyr, Bishop Michael Kozal, said it well: “More horrifying than a defeat of arms is a collapse of the human spirit.”