by John McElroy
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SCHEME TO CAPTURE OR KILL THE PRESIDENT AND GEN. SILENT.--A VILLANOUS PLOT.--THE RECKLESS AND DESPERATE SCHEMES OF THE CONSPIRATORS.--THE PLAN REVEALED.--THE PRESIDENT AND GEN. SILENT WARNED OF THEIR DANGER.
"I could a tale unfold, whose lightest word Would harrow up thy soul, freeze up thy young body." --Shakespeare.
"The death of my son Peter and my beloved wife cast such a deep gloomover our household that it seemed we never could rally again to doanything for ourselves or our country. Gen. Anderson returned to hiscommand a sad and despondent man. He had left Ham to look after thingsfor us at home, our family now being reduced to Jennie Lyon, MaryAnderson, the two children, Ham, Martha and myself. We were lonely inthe extreme, and seemed, for some cause undis-coverable to us, to bedrinking the bitter dregs from the poisoned chalice. Ham and AuntMartha saw my distress and tried in their honest and simple way topour consolation into my soul. The little children, in their childishsimplicity, seemed to be the only fountain whence I could drink draughtsof comfort in my lonely hours of distress. Seraine came to our house toattend the funeral, as Henry could not reach home in time to be with usand see the last of his mother and brother. I wrote him by his wife anddirected him to remain. He came to Detroit terribly broken down withgrief, and returned, sad and dejected, to Canada. He was frequentlyinterrogated as to the cause of his melancholy, but parried it as besthe could.
"About the 12th of February he returned to Detroit, and, bringingSeraine with him, came to my house. Our meeting was mixed with joy andsadness. The ladies, as well as my myself, were very much gratified athaving dear Seraine (as we all called her) with us again. She conversedso sensibly on the subject of our misfortunes that she made us almostfeel that they must be for our good.
"As soon as we could do so, Henry and I sat down to talk over thesituation in Canada and the schemes of the conspirators. He reported tome all he had seen or heard on the question of the war, stating in thebeginning that there was no time to lose. When he found Wintergreenthey set out for a trip through Canada. After visiting many places andmeeting various persons from the South who had been in Canada for thepurpose of aiding in carrying the Presidential election in favor of theanti-war or Democratic party, but who had not been able to return sincethe election, and were waiting, Micawber-like, for something to turnup, they had finally arrived at Montreal, where they again met JosephThomlinson and quite a number of faces to them unfamiliar. These personswere evidently there for some purpose looking to the success of therebellion. Thomlinson received them kindly, inquired of Winter-greenhow he felt since his return from London, and asked many questions aboutcertain people at Windsor. Henry was also interrogated as to how matterslooked to him, to which he answered that the signs were not so favorableas heretofore.
"Thomlinson went into a long disquisition on the recent campaigns. Hedenounced Gen. Head, who had been so utterly destroyed by Papson, as a'brainless ass,' and spoke of Gen. Laws as having lost much of hisvigor and daring. He said that if Gen. Wall, their greatest General, wasalive, he would drive Silent out of Virginia in one month. He said thatthe re-election of Lincoln was a severe blow to them; that they had beendeceived by their Northern friends. They had been led to believe thatthere was no doubt of Little Mac's election, with a liberal expenditureof money; that he had drawn checks and paid out for that purpose onbehalf of the Confederacy $1,100,000, and seemed to think that unlessmeasures were taken at once to strike consternation into the heartsof the Northern people all would be lost; that the President of theConfederacy and his Cabinet had been all along expecting some greatresult from the efforts of their Northern allies, and especially fromthe efforts of Valamburg and Thomas A. Strider.
"'True,' he said, 'Valamburg had been very much hampered by thesuspicions resting upon him in the minds of the people, but it was notso with Strider. He could have done a great deal more if he had not beenso timid. He (Strider) seemed to think that he could secure the successof the Confederacy by crippling the U. S. Government in opposinglegislation and breeding strife and jealousies in the Union armies.'But,' he continued, 'Lincoln is an old fox, and soon smelled out thoselittle devices of Strider. He has completely checkmated him and hisfriends who were acting on his line, by relieving from command all thosewho were playing into Stridor's hands, and has put in their places a setof fanatics, who are fighting on moral grounds alone.'
"He spoke of Silent as a man who did not value life or anything else,saying that he was a superstitious man, who believed that he was merelyan instrument in the hands of the Almighty to wipe out slavery. Not onlyso, but believed that he was guided and directed in all his movements bythe mysterious hand of Providence. So he (Thomlinson) could not see theuse of relying longer on any satisfactory result to come from the coursebeing pursued by their Northern friends. He said they must actmore openly, energetically and promptly, if they were to help theConfederacy.
"There were two men present that Henry thought he had seen somewherebefore, but could not place them. One was a medium-sized man, withrather dark complexion, dark hair, eyes and mustache. He was introducedas a Mr. Wilkes. The other was a young man, perhaps thirty years of age,slight, with brown hair, blue eyes and no beard, named John Page. Thesetwo men seemed nervous and uneasy; they conversed but little. The manWilkes remarked that there was but one way, which was a part of everyinsurrection, and he was in favor of that way. Page agreed with him,both seeming to understand the proposition; yet it was not stated in theconversation at that time what Wilkes meant by 'but one way.'
"Thomlinson made no answer to Wilkes or Page, but continued by saying:
"'I have called the leading men of our organization to meet again atSt. Catharines, on the first Tuesday in February, and at that time theremust be some scheme devised and agreed upon that will turn the scale, orall will be lost, and we will all be wandering vagabonds over the faceof the earth.'
"Henry inquired if Mr. Carey was in the city. Thomlin-son said no;that he was in Richmond, but would be at their meeting if he couldget through the lines, in doing which they had met with no troubleheretofore. Winter-green said that the people where he had been, whowere friendly, were now very despondent and greatly alarmed for thesafety of Richmond, as well as the Confederacy; that everything seemedto be against them of late.
"'Yes,' replied Thomlinson, 'we have much to discourage us, and at thesame time all can be regained that we have lost if our friends willsettle upon some good plan and carry it out. But it does seem that allour plans and schemes so far have been abortive. Our first greatscheme of burning the Northern cities failed by the burning of theWill-o'-the-Wisp and the loss of Dr. Mears and Prof. McCul-lough; andalso of the material accumulated by Dr. Black-man. We stirred up riotsin New York city and elsewhere in opposition to the draft, with apromise from Valamburg, Strider, McMasterson, and B. Wudd that ourfriends would come to the rescue and make resistance everywhere.. Butthese men failed to stand by their promises. The inaugurating ofriots and the employment of men to engage in them cost the Confederacy$500,000. We undertook to release prisoners from all the Northernprisons, We purchased arms and smuggled them to our friends sufficientto have armed all the prisoners. This was all that was wanting, ourfriends North stated to me; but when the time came, which was the lastnight before the Presidential election, at Camp Chase the effort was toofeeble to be recognized, and at Chicago, where we were assured that theprisoners would be released and the city burned and destroyed, whatwas the result? They cut one or two water-pipes, and Wall, Greenfel andBuckner were arrested. All our arms were found in Wall's cellar,and taken possession of by our enemies. Mr. Eagle and Mr. N. JudyCorn-ington were not on hand, neither as actors nor advisers; and so itis. The arms, ammunition and hire for smuggling them through cost ahalf million dollars. This kind of work will not do. It is not onlyexpensive, but fruitless.'
"He then stated to those present that he wished them all to attendthe next meeting, as mentioned, and to study up in the mean
time, somewell-defined plan for successful operations. Henry and Wintergreen leftfor other points, and returned to St. Catharines on the day appointedfor the meeting, where they met with many additional persons, strangersto both of them. The delegates assembled in the same hall, in the rearof the Victoria Hotel, as before. They were called to order by the GrandCommander of the Sons of Liberty, Mr. Valamburg, of Dayburg, O. Allwere seated and the roll was then called by Wintergreen, who was theSecretary.
"Illinois was first called. Wm. Spangler and John Richardson answered;from Indiana, Messrs. Dorsing and Bowlin; Ohio, Valamburg and Massey;Pennsylvania, Wovelson and Moore; New York, McMasterson and B. Wudd;Missouri, Col. Burnett and Marmalade; Kansas, Stringfelter; Iowa, NealDowning; Wisconsin, Domblazer; Nebraska, Martin; Arkansas, Walters;Connecticut, Eastman; Vermont, Phillips; Massachusetts, Perry; Maine,Pillbox; Rhode Island, no answer; New Jersey, Rogers. Prom Richmond, forthe South, there were Thomlinson and C. C. Carey, the latter having justarrived. Other names, not remembered, save those of Messrs. Wilkes andPage, who were admitted as representing the District of Columbia.
"After the necessary examinations were made by a committee, the personsmentioned, with several others, were admitted to seats in the assembly.Henry was selected by Wintergreen to assist him in his duties asSecretary. The preliminaries being settled, the Chairman (Valamburg) wasquite severe in his strictures against Dan Bowen, Thos. A. Strider, C.H. Eagle and N. Judy Cornington for not attending, saying he had lettersfrom each of those gentlemen promising to be present. He characterizedtheir conduct as cowardly and they as sunshine friends, which was loudlyapplauded by all.
"After remarks by quite a number of delegates on the situation andprobabilities of the success of the Confederacy, which were generallytinged with ill-forebodings, a committee of five was appointed to takeinto consideration and report to the assembly ways and means by whichthe rebellion could be materially assisted. This report was to besubmitted the next day at 12 o'clock. The meeting then adjourned untilthat time.
"During the evening a variety of discussions were indulged in by variousdelegates in favor of different schemes. Some went so far as to favorthe assassination of many of our leading men. Wilkes, Page, and quitea number of persons from the South were in favor of assassinating thePresident and Gen. Silent, with such others as the necessity of the casedemanded. And so the conversation and discussions ran until the meetingof delegates the next day.
"At 12 o'clock the assembly was called to order by Valamburg. When theroll had been called and all were quiet, the Chairman inquired of thecommittee if they were ready to report. The Chairman, Mr. Carey,arose with great dignity and responded that the committee, after dueconsideration of the many suggestions submitted to them, were now readyto report. He was invited to take the stand, which he did.
"He said that, preliminary to reporting, he desired to make anexplanation, which was as follows: That on his return from Montreal toRichmond, since the Presidential election, in viewing the many disastersthat had recently befallen the Confederacy, the authorities at Richmondsuggested to him to ascertain if he could communicate in some way withthe newly elected Vice-President, and discover his attitude towardsthe people of the South. This was accomplished by sending one of theVice-President's old friends from North Carolina to Nashua, who being acitizen, and not in any way connected with the Confederate army, easilypassed through the Union lines to Nashua, where the Vice-President-electwas residing at the time. There was no difficulty in agreeing to aninterview between himself and Carey, it being understood that Carey wasto pass into Nashua in disguise and let the Vice-President know in someway where he was stopping, and the interview was then to be arranged. Inpursuance of this agreement, Carey made the trip to Nashua disguised asa Louis City merchant, and passing by the name of Thos. E. Hope. He hadno difficulty in getting into Nashua, but for fear of recognition,went directly to the house of a rebel friend by the name of Hanson, andremained in a room in the rear of the second story of the house. Throughthe lady of the house the Vice-President elect was informed of thepresence of Mr. Carey.
"The next morning the Vice-President visited the house of Mr. Hanson,and he and Carey had the contemplated interview. Carey said that inthe interview the Vice-President contended for peace on the terms ofa restored Union, but agreed with the Democrats of the North that therestoration should be on the basis of the old Constitution. Careysaid that in answer to the question as to what he would do if he werePresident, the Vice-President said that he would restore the Union if hecould on the old basis, but that the people were tired of war and taxes,and that unless Silent could drive Laws out of Richmond, capture it,and destroy the Confederate army during the next Spring campaign, theConfederacy must be recognized and the war ended.
"At this the assembly heartily cheered. Carey also said that in answerto the question as to the powers of the Vice-President, in case of theabsence of the President, if he should be so situated that he could notreturn to perform the duties of the office, the Vice-President repliedthat such a case as stated would certainly come under the provisionof the Constitution, wherein it is recited that in case of the death,resignation, or inability of the President to discharge the powers andduties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President;that under such circumstances he should at once assume the duties ofthe office, but hoped that such a case would not arise while he wasVice-President.
"Carey stated that the Vice-President said that he had always been aUnion man, but that he was a Democrat, and had never been anything else,and did not propose to be; that he was placed on the Republican ticketwithout being consulted. Therefore he did not feel under any obligationsto that party. He also stated that he recognized the fact that when itwas evident that the Union could be held together only by subjugatingthe people of the South, it was statesmanship to let them go, and stopfurther bloodshed. This also brought applause.
"Carey further stated that the Vice-President expressed a willingness tomeet privately with any of our leading men of the South at any time whenand where it could be done without danger to either party. With this theinterview ended. When the parties separated the Vice-President bade himgood-by and grasped his hand in the most friendly and cordial manner. Hesaid if Carey should experience any trouble in getting back to Richmondto let him know.
"Carey left the next morning, and returning to Richmond reported theinterview precisely as it occurred, at which the authorities weregreatly pleased, and thought it opened a way for success, knowingthe character of the man, his stubbornness, his egotism, and that hepossessed a belief that he was destined to be President of the UnitedStates at some time. It was not intended to say any more to him than toascertain his views on a given state of facts, and having accomplishedthis much, the authorities at Richmond felt sure that if the Presidentof the United States could by some means be captured and spirited away,and Silent also, or either of them, the success of the Confederacy wouldbe assured beyond question. In the event of the capture and hiding awayof the President, the Vice-President would surely assume the powers andduties of President. The friends of the Confederacy in Congress couldthen so cripple the Government that no doubt could longer exist ofsuccess. He said it was thought that in the event the President couldnot be captured, a party could be organized who could, without muchrisk, surprise and capture Gen. Silent. This done, Laws would at onceassume the aggressive, drive Meador and his army back on Washington,and continue the war beyond the next Spring, so that the friends of theConfederacy could regain strength, and, with the Vice-President in favorof the recognition of the Confederate Government, it could not be longerpostponed. But the great thing to be accomplished, he said, was thecapture of Mr. Lincoln; that would end all controversy.
"This seemed to strike the audience, and they cheered the proposition.Carey then stated that this was the first proposition the committeedesired to present. He had other important ones, however, that must beconsidered by the assembly. While in Richmond he found many men of greatcourage and dari
ng who were ready to do anything to bring success ifthey could be sustained and protected. The authorities gave him theproposals and directed him to lay them before this assembly.
"The second was made by a foreigner--a man of good family in Europe,and a most daring and courageous man, an educated soldier, who had beensuccessful in very many daring enterprises heretofore. His propositionwas read to the assembly, being a verbatim copy of the one this partyhad made to the President of the Confederacy through the ConfederateSecretary of War, which was as follows:
"'Secretary of War of the Southern Confederacy.
"'Sir: In reference to the subject upon which I had the honor to converse with you yesterday, and on account of which you bade me call to-day, I take herewith the freedom to address this most respectful writing to you. Your Honor seemed to hesitate in giving me an affirmative answer to my statement because I was unknown to you. Permit me to remark that, notwithstanding I can give you no references in this country, I am, nevertheless, worthy of your high confidence. My grandfather, Maj. Baron De Kalb, fell in the Revolutionary War of this country. * * * I received an education proportionate to the means of my parents, and served in the Crimean war as Second Lieutenant of Engineers. * * * I landed in Quebec, Canada, in November last, and arrived in Washington, D. C, about three weeks ago. I cannot perceive why you should require any references or confidence, for I do not expect personally to reap any benefit before the strict performance of what I undertake. The task I know is connected with some danger, but never will it, in any event, become known in the North that the Southern Confederacy had anything whatever to do with it.
"'The whole matter resolves itself, therefore, into this one question: Does the Southern Confederacy consider the explosion of the Federal Capitol at a time when Abe, his myrmidons, and the Northern Congress are all assembled together, of sufficient importance to grant me, in case of success, a commission as Colonel of Topographical Engineers, and the sum of $1,000,000? If so, your Honor may most explicitly expect the transaction to be carried into execution between the 4th and 6th of the month. * * * I trust you will not press in regard to the manner in which I intend to perform it, or anything connected with the execution.
"'In case of an affirmative answer there is no time to spare; and to show you still further my sincerity, I will even refrain from asking for any pecuniary assistance in carrying the project through, notwithstanding my means are, for such an undertaking, very limited, and that some funds would materially lighten my task, diminish the danger, and doubly insure success. * * * I intend to throw myself at a convenient place into Maryland and to enter Washington by way of Baltimore.
"'Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "'
(Signed) C. L. V. DeKalb.'
"Carey said that this man was in the employ of the Confederacy, but thatthe authorities would not adopt his scheme without the indorsement oftheir Northern friends, so that those friends could have warning andnot be endangered at the time. This man being a foreigner, and notunderstanding the situation, regarded all Northern men alike and woulddestroy one as soon as another. Therefore, those having the authorityto do so, would not accept the proposition unless due notice could besecretly given, under the obligations of the Sons of Liberty, totheir friends in Congress. Carey said he thought this a very dangerousundertaking on account of the friends who might be imperiled, but feltthat there was no doubt but it could be accomplished.
"Walters spoke up at this point, saying this proposition was notfeasible at all, and a number assented to his remark.
"Mr. Carey said the third proposition was also in the form of acommunication, and was placed in his hands by the authorities inRichmond for consideration by the Northern friends, and was in thefollowing language, which he proceeded to read:
"'Boston P.O., Ga. "'Jefferson Davis.
"'Sir: Having a desire to be of benefit to the Southern States is the only excuse I can offer for addressing you this letter; and believing the best plan would be to dispose of the leading characters of the North, for that reason I have experimented in certain particulars that will do this without difficulty; although it is quite an underhanded manner of warfare, and not knowing whether it would meet with your approbation or not, prevents me from giving you a full account of the material used, although I believe any one of them would take the life of a Southern man in any way they could. If you wish, write to me and get the whole process.
"'Hoping for your good health and future victory. "'
(Signed) J. S. Paramore.'
"Said Carey: 'This man was sent for and closely examined as to what heproposed, and by the experiments made by our best scientists they wereof opinion that his plan could be made a success, as the process waswithout doubt effective. The question, however, was not as to theprocess by which this could be done, but must we resort to it? Had allother means failed?'
"The other proposition was on the same line, but proposing a differentmode of execution, which Carey also read:
"'Headquarters 63d Ga. Reg't.,
"'Near Savannah. "'To President Davis.
"'Mr. President: After long meditation and much reflection on the subject of this communication, I have determined to intrude it upon you, earnestly hoping my motives will constitute a full vindication for such presumption on the part of one so humble and obscure as myself, though I must say that the evidences of your Christian humility almost assure me. I propose, with your permission, to assist in organizing a number of select men, say not less than 300 to 500, to go into the United States and assassinate, for instance, Seward, Lincoln, Greeley, Prentice, and others, considering it necessary to the chances of success at this time. I will only say a few words as to the opinion of its effects. I have made it a point to elicit the opinion of many men upon this subject, in whose good sense I have great confidence, and while a difference of opinion to some extent is almost inevitable, most have confidence in its benefit to us. The most plausible argument seems to be that to impress upon the Northern mind that for men in high places there to wield their influence in favor of the barbarisms they have been so cruelly practicing upon us is to jeopardize their lives; for distinguished leaders there to feel that the moment they array hordes for our desolation, at that moment their existence is in the utmost peril--this would produce hesitation and confusion that would hasten peace and our independence. With these meager suggestions upon the subject I will leave it for this time. If you deem the matter worthy of any encouragement, and will so apprize me, I believe I can give you such evidences of loyalty and integrity of character as will entitle it to your consideration. So far as I am concerned, I will say, however, that I was born and raised in Middle Georgia. All my relationships and affections are purely Southern. I was opposed to secession, but am now committed to the death against subjugation or reunion with men of whose instincts and moral character, till this war, I was totally ignorant. If I have insulted any scruple or religious principle of yours I beg to be pardoned. I neglected to state in the proper place that I am an officer in the volunteer service.
"'Begging your respectful attention to this communication,
"I am, your Excellency's most obedient servant,
"'H. C. Durham, 63d Ga.'
"The reading of this communication was received with cheers from quitea number of those present, principally Southern men. Carey said that theSecretary of War had sent for Durham, and that he was then at Richmond.He was a fine looking, intelligent man, terribly in earnest. This wasthought, although there was hesitancy about it in the Cabinet, to be amuch more feasible undertaking than the attempt to explode the Capitolat Washington. The nec
essity for some radical measure to be adopted andput into execution at once was the reason for these documents havingbeen taken from the archives and placed in the present hands in theiroriginal form.
"Lieut. W. Alston, of Sulphur Springs, Va., who was present, as statedby Carey, also proposed to the authorities at Richmond to undertake torid the country of the Confederacy's most deadly enemies, and authorizedthe committee to say that he, here and now, renewed his proposition; allof which Carey submitted to the assembly for their consideration.
"The propositions having been submitted in due form, the Chairman statedthat they were before the assembly and open for consideration. JacobThomlinson opened the discussion, and said that these propositions wereof the most vital importance; that the success of the Confederacy hungupon the action of this assembly. The authorities were waiting withbated breath until they could hear what their Northern friends wouldconsider proper and feasible to be at once entered upon. He wanted nomore promises without performance. He would save the Confederacy byany means if he could, and would consider himself justified. If someof these measures had been resorted to much earlier it would have beenbetter. He said that war was mere barbarism and cruelty; that plunder,burning, pillage and assassination were merely the concomitants, and apart of the system, of all wars; that when men make war it means crime,rapine and murder, and those engaging in it should so understand. Eachparty is expected to capture all of the enemy that can be so taken,and to kill all that resist. It was proper to pick out and deliberatelyshoot down the Generals. He asked if it would be any worse to secretlycapture Lincoln and Silent, the two leaders and commanders of all theUnited States forces, or to assassinate either or both of them, than toshoot them near our lines. He contended that if either or both of themshould be seen near the Confederate lines they would be shot down, andthe persons doing it would be rewarded with medals of honor, and wouldgo down into history as great patriots for performing the act. If thiswere true, as all must concede, why should it be considered a dark anddamnable deed in time of war, when a great and dire necessity required,for two such tyrants to be put out of the way in the cause of liberty?He insisted that no difference could exist, save in the minds ofindividuals morbid on the subject of human life. He said that he hadwitnessed enough shamming, and heard enough shallow professions, andwanted no more of either; that the promises of some of their Northernfriends, already broken, had cost the Confederacy millions of dollars incoin, and had left him individually bankrupt and impoverished. There hadbeen nothing but a series of failures growing out of the pretensesof some of their Northern allies. He was very severe on many of them,especially on Cornington and Eagle, of Chicago, and Strider and Bowen,of Indiana, all of whom he charged with getting large sums of money foruse in the late election and for other purposes. He said they neitheraccounted for its disposition, nor had they entered an appearance, afterpromising on their obligation to do so. This he considered themost unwarranted course of conduct of which any one could have beenguilty--no less than the deepest-dyed perfidy. When he closed his speechhe was cheered to the echo." Dr. Adams said: "This man Thomlinson wasa very brutal man in his instincts. He seemed also to have been out ofhumor with his co-conspirators. He was certainly very angry and muchdisappointed that his schemes had all failed. But how an intelligentman could argue and justify assassination, as he seemed to do, I cannotunderstand."
Col. Bush replied: "Doctor, you must see that this man, no matter whathe may have been in former years, had become a hardened, inhuman wretch.Do you not remember that he was the same person who employed men togather poisoned clothes for the distribution of disease, as well ashis attempt to have our cities burned, but was thwarted by DivineProvidence, in my judgment?"
"Yes, I remember all this, and God knows that seemed the extreme ofbarbarism and inhumanity; but his last proposition in his argument wasdeliberate, cold-blooded murder in order to gain a political end; and tothink of Northern men listening at any time to such propositions withoutremonstrance or disapproval in any way makes me shudder."
"They seemed to indorse it instead of manifesting disapproval," saidIngelsby, "and I have no doubt they favored it, and in some way assistedin trying to have it carried out."
"Yes, yes," said Uncle Daniel; "the half of the treachery and diabolicaldeeds of many of our Northern men, now leaders, is not known orunderstood; but, my dear friends, I will continue my story:
"When Thomlinson had concluded his remarks, Valamburg followed in a likestrain, and concluded with a 'so help him God' that he was ready forany enterprise to serve-the Confederacy, no matter how dark nor howdesperate and bloody. This was received with a wild shout, as thoughsome rebel victory had been announced.
"Walters, of Arkansas, then addressed the assembly. He said he wasin favor of the first proposition; that there seemed to be somethingpractical in it. Since their last meeting he had been all over theNorth, even in Washington city, and there was not the slightestdifficulty in passing to and fro without any questions being asked. Hesaid he saw the President riding out beyond Georgetown with only oneperson accompanying him; that there would not have been the slightesttrouble in five men capturing him and crossing the river into Virginia,or retreating into Maryland and passing along on byways with him towhere he could have been securely kept until a chance was afforded forconveying him to some more secure place. So far as putting him out ofthe way was concerned, there would not be the slightest difficulty indoing that, but he thought the other the best, taking all things intoconsideration. The one would be considered a clean trick, and perfectlylegitimate warfare, while the other would not, and would arouse theNorthern people to more energetic measures. He said that he did notthink there would be very great difficulty in capturing Silent; that hehad made inquiry about him, and found that he seldom had anythingmore than a few men as escort, and kept but a small company as hisheadquarters guard; that 100 good, picked men could capture him almostany night. If they even failed, it would only make those who attemptedit prisoners of war, so that they would be exchanged. This, ifaccomplished, in case of either Lincoln or Silent, would secure theConfederacy. With Lincoln captured, the Vice-President would only betoo glad to have an excuse for the recognition of the Confederacy.With Silent captured, Gen. Laws would again be master of the situation.Silent was the only match for him in the United States. So far as theVice-President was concerned, he was in a bad humor with the wholeadministration. He (Walters) had seen him and conversed with him sincethe time mentioned at which Mr. Carey had his interview. Walters hadbeen at Nashua, and remained for several days unmolested, and hadtalked freely with quite a number of persons who were intimate withthe Vice-President, and who were conversant with his views and knewhis feelings. He said that the Vice-President suggested to him to getthrough the lines and go to Richmond, and say to the authorities therethat if he were President he would recognize the Southern Confederacy;but he (Walters) did not then have full confidence in what he wassaying, as he was rather in his cups at the time. But since he had heardwhat Mr. Carey had learned in his interview with him he had no furtherreason to doubt his sincerity.
"Mr. Wilkes here interposed and asked whether the whole question ofrecognition by the Vice-President did not entirely depend upon thecapture and successful spiriting away of Lincoln.
"Mr. Walters answered in the affirmative.
"Wilkes then said: 'Suppose this scheme should fail, what then?'
"'Walters remarked that that was a question to be determined by thismeeting, and that he did not wish to decide it in advance.
"Mr. Spangler, from Illinois, said that he did not desire to detain theassembly with a long speech, but he wished to impress upon the minds ofthe delegates present that in the State from which he came, he did notthink the assassination of Lincoln and Silent would be indorsed, as itwould raise such a storm there that all their friends would be drivenfrom the State. He was in favor of their capture and, in fact, anythingthat was thought necessary; but as he lived in the same town with Mr.Lincoln, he woul
d not like to be forced to stem the torrent if he,Lincoln, should be assassinated. He would cheerfully vote for the firstproposition, and at the same time pay $100 into the general pool forthat purpose. This brought down the house--money seemed to be the onething they greatly desired. He said: 'Now, Mr. Chairman, who is theTreasurer?'
"The Chairman answered that Mr. Thomlinson had the disbursing as well asthe authority to receive all funds for the carrying out of the objectsof the meeting.
"'Then,' said Spangler, 'here is my $100.' handing it to Thomlinson.This started the ball, and in a few minutes $5,000 were raised andhanded over to Thomlinson, who thanked the friends for their liberality.
"The debate here closed and the vote was taken on the propositions. TheChairman said he would put the third, or last, proposition first, whichwas, whether the assembly would indorse the proposition of Capt. Alstonand Mr. Durham, who proposed to organize a force and assassinate theleading men of the North who are prominent in the war against the South,and recommend the authorities of the Southern Confederacy to carry outthe proposed project. The question being stated, the vote was taken.Being very close, the roll had to be called, and the proposition waslost by three votes.
"The next proposition was the one submitted by De Kalb to theConfederacy, to blow up the Capitol at Washington when Congress shouldbe in session. The vote being taken, this proposition was lost; it beingdeemed inexpedient on account of the danger of destroying so many oftheir own friends.
"The last proposition to be voted on was whether the assembly wouldrecommend to the authorities at Richmond to organize a force and captureLincoln and Silent, or either of them, and hold the captive or captivesuntil the Confederacy should be recognized. This question was taken andcarried unanimously with a great hurrah and three cheers for the man ormen who should accomplish this most desirable object.
"After the proposition had been agreed to, Mr. Page and Capt. Alstonboth desired to know what was to be done, if anything, should thisattempt to capture those men fail. Quite a discussion here arose, duringwhich considerable feeling was shown on the part of some of the Southernmen. Finally they determined to recommend that Wilkes, Page, Alston andDurham be put in charge and organize for the purpose mentioned, and thatthey receive their instructions directly from Jacob Thomlinson. One ofthese men should go to Richmond with C. C. Carey, and there meet Durhamand consult with the authorities as to the route to be adopted ingetting into and out of Washington, and the means to be resorted to fortheir assistance and protection; also that, in the event of failure incapturing either of those men, then in that case they, or some ofthem, were to return to Canada and confer further with Thomlinson; andwhatever measures he and they should adopt that looked like bringingsuccess were to be carried out, with the understanding that the assemblyhere and now assented to it; which it did, and appointed Mr. Thom-linsonwith power to act as fully as if the matter had been laid before it andagreed to by a vote.
"This concluded the business of the delegates, and they adjournedto meet on the call of the Grand Commander at any future time whennecessary for the benefit of the cause of the Confederacy. Henryremained a day or so in order to note any further developments. Careyand Page left at once for Richmond, intending to make their way indisguise by rail into West Virginia, and from there to Richmond. Wilkesstarted for New York and Alston for Buffalo. They were to make theirway to Baltimore, and meet there on a certain day and remain untilPage should return from Richmond with Durham. They were then to have anunderstanding as to how they should operate. Before leaving they all hada secret meeting with Thomlin-son, but what instructions they receivedof a private nature Henry did not know, except that he learned if theirscheme should fail, one or more of them were to return at once to Canadaand consult further with Thomlinson as to their future operations.
"'I required this to be written in full by Henry, and leaving him andhis wife, Seraine, with what of our family was now left, I telegraphedto the President:
"'Stay indoors; important; am coming!
"(Signed)Daniel.'
"'I at once left for Washington, feeling that time was important.The desperation of these men was such that they would undertake anenterprise of any kind, and the condition of the Confederacy such thatnothing less than some heroic remedy would avail anything.
"When I arrived at Washington it was early in the morning. I directedmy steps toward the Executive Mansion. On arriving at the door the usherrecognized me, but said that the President had not been to breakfast.
"'I said: 'I do not wish to disturb him, but it is very important that Isee him before a crowd comes in. I will remain here.'
"He stepped in and very soon returned, and at once showed me to thePresident's office up-stairs. He was waiting for me, and as I entered hecame forward with both hands extended, and said, 'My dear friend Lyon,how are you?'
"I answered him as to my health in a sad tone. He spoke of my greatafflictions in the most tender manner, and inquired as to the telegram.
"'I said:'Mr. President, this paper,' handing him Henry's report,'willexplain it.'
"He said:'This is a long paper--as long as a President's message,' andlaughed, saying, 'I expect you have been writing one for me?'
"'I replied that it was an important message for a President. At this helaughed, and said:
"'That is quite good, and is a very wise distinction; but,' said he, 'wewill not read it now. When we get our breakfast, that will do, will itnot?'
"I replied: 'Yes, perhaps it will.'
"He would have me take breakfast with him. His family only were present,and we all conversed freely, but principally about the late electionand our success in the West against Head, and the prospects of Silentagainst Laws. He was feeling very happy and confident of final victory.He told me about having just returned with the Secretary of State fromHampton Roads, where they had met the Vice-President of the SouthernConfederacy and others on a peace mission; 'but,' said he, 'it wasthe same kind of peace that the Copperheads have been preaching, underinstructions from Richmond and the rebel agents in Canada, for threeyears.'
"After breakfast we returned to his office. He instructed his usher thathe could see no one for the present. Being seated, he drew the paperthat I had given him from his side pocket and commenced reading. Verysoon he exhibited some little excitement, rang his bell and sent for theSecretary of War, who soon came in. After the Secretary had exchangedcompliments with me, the President continued reading. When he hadfinished he turned to me and said:
"'This is the most extraordinary thing that I have ever read or heardof, in or out of history. Mr. Secretary, please read this.'
Uncle Daniel conferring with Lincoln and Stanton 404]
"The Secretary read it very carefully and remarked: 'This is what theyare coming to; they will stop at nothing. But the most surprising partof all is the attitude of your Vice-President. What can he mean byhobnobbing with those traitors and having interviews with one of theirprincipal leaders inside of our lines?' "'Yes,' said the President;'this is strange, indeed.' "After further conversation it was determinedto have the Cabinet officers meet that day. The President also directedthe Secretary of War to ask Gen. Silent to be at the Executive Mansionthe next morning. He asked me to remain in Washington and come to seehim the next day at 10 o'clock, and not to fail. I left, went to theOwen House and took a room.
"While there I met a man in rather delicate health, who said his namewas Alston, that he was a Canadian, and had come to Washington onaccount of the mildness of the climate. He was about five feet teninches in height, hazel eyes, light hair, with small goatee; was quitea nervous man, moving his hands, or sitting down and immediately risingagain, picking his teeth, or pulling his goatee. I remembered the man'sname as that of one of the conspirators, and marked him well. On inquiryI found he had arrived the day before and was intending, as he said, toremain for some time in order to test the climate in his case. I steppedup to the War Department, and finding my friend, the Secretary, in, Iasked him to send a
detective with me, and he did so. I put him on theman and said no more to any one until I met the President and others thenext day.
"At 10 o'clock the following morning, I appeared at the Mansion and wasadmitted at once. On entering the President's office I met Gen. Silent.Having previously met him at Chatteraugus and elsewhere, he recognizedme, and after the usual compliments asked about Gen. Anderson. I toldhim about my misfortunes, the last of which he was not aware of. He saidno more for a short time; he then asked me if Gen. Anderson would notlike to come East and have a better command. He said he did not think hehad been given a command equal to his ability; that he would orderhim East if agreeable. I wrote the General as soon as I returned to myhotel.
"The conversation was then turned to the report of Henry. ThePresident seemed serious, and said the astounding statement about theVice-President worried him, and yet, he said, it was almost incredible.
"Gen. Silent said he could believe it, but was very much surprised athis having the interview and disclosing his opinions to our enemies.Silent said he made some curious statements to him while he was makinghis headquarters at Nashua, but he attributed it to Tennessee whiskymore than to any wrong motive in his mind, until he repeated the samethings over more than once. He thought strange of it, but did notmention the conversation.
"'But,' said the Secretary, 'what do you say to the attempt they are tomake to capture you two gentlemen?'
"Silent said: 'That scheme has already failed. Our knowledge of the factdefeats it. You must have a guard of at least one company of infantryat or near the White House, and the officers must be notified, inconfidence, why they are placed here. There must be a company of cavalryordered here for escort to the President, and he must not go out of callof the guards without an escort.'
"The President said: 'This will not look well, but I suppose I must doit for safety. I do not like this Vice-President's talk; it worries me.But how about yourself, Gen. Silent; they seem to be after you as well.'
"'Yes,' said the General; 'but you must remember that I am surrounded byan army, and this notice protects me. I will look after that hereafter.The truth is, they might have caught me napping, as I have heretoforehad but a small guard. I will make it large enough when I return. Myfears, however, are very much increased, as I see that there were manyof those conspirators in favor of taking the proposition to assassinateinstead of capture. That can be done in spite of guards, by reckless menwho will take desperate chances. This is what we must look out for. Isee that they are to take orders from Jacob Thomlinson, who is a mostreckless man, without any of the instincts of humanity, and utterlywithout any regard for the rules of civilized warfare. He is a verydangerous man if he has about him those who will do his bidding. So lookout, Mr. President; my judgment is that you will be in imminent peril.'
"'Yes,' said the President. 'Gen. Silent do you remember the dream Irepeated to you when you came to Washington?'
"'Oh, yes,' said Gen. Silent, 'perfectly; and in that dream I was tobe murdered as soon as the rebellion should be ended. But I do notfeel alarmed about myself; dreams, you know, Mr. President, go bycontraries.'
"'Yes,' said the President, 'I will not say that I believe in dreams,neither do I; yet they make an impression on my mind.'
"Gen. Silent said no more on the subject, and the conversation on thattopic was dropped.
"'I was asked if I would send Henry back to Canada to watch furtherdevelopments. I assented. They all thought that perhaps in this way wewould be able to head off any further scheme as the one reported hadbeen.
"I then related what I had discovered at the Owen House, and suggesteda close watch on this man Alston. The President took up the report, andfinding the name, thought there might be something in my suggestion.They sent for the detective that I had placed to watch him, and heinformed us that this man drank pretty freely, and had disclosed to himwhile in his cups the night before that he was from St. Catharine's,Canada; that he had plenty of money in gold, and was desirous of findingsome five or six good, active, bold and daring young men, who would belikely to be fond of an adventure. The detective was sent back atonce with instructions to arrest him and have him taken to Old CapitolPrison. If any questions should be asked, he was to answer that theSecretary of War had directed it. The next morning it was telegraphedall over the country that a Mr. Alston was arrested in Washington forattempting to hire men to kidnap the President; and so the scheme, wasexploded.
"The next day I bade the President and the Secretary good-by, at thesame time warning the President of his great danger. He could not thankme enough, he said, for my interest. Silent had left for the army. Justas I was leaving, the President said to me in a whisper:
"'Look out for a great battle soon, and with it you will hear of thefall of Richmond.'
"I thanked him for his confidence in me and left. On arriving at homeI found all well and very anxious to see me, as this had been my firstabsence since the death of my wife and Peter. Henry had seen the noticeof Alston's arrest, and when I described him he said he was the rightman. I wrote to the President what Henry said, and Alston remained inprison.
"In a short time I heard from Gen. Anderson. He was willing to go East.I telegraphed Gen. Silent and he ordered him to report at once. He cameby home on his way and remained over several days. Lieut. Whitcomb waswith him. While there I related all that had taken place. He thoughtHenry should return at once to Canada, leaving Seraine with us. He saidit would be dangerous since Alston's arrest to risk writing, so Henrywould have to come to my house with any information that he might have.Henry left at once and the General the next day.
"We were alone again. The women and children were weeping over thedeparture of Henry and the General. Aunt Martha came in and said:
"'Bress de good Laud, chil'n, what is you cryin' 'bout. De Gen! allright; dars no danger 'bout him; he am safe. De Laud protect him. He dunsabe him all dis time for good. Don't you see de Sesh git whip whareberhe goes? Dey all done killed down whar he bin, and now dey jest' takehim ober by whar Marsa Linkum am, and de Sesh all git smash up ober darde same way as what dey is down whar he bin afore.'
"Old Ham chimed in: 'Yas, Marfa, dat am de fac You see, when I goes widMarsa Gen'l, he gets shotted nearly ebery time. I not understand dis,but he not git any time hurt when I's away. How is dat, Marfa? Guess itbest for me not be wid him. I tell you I guess I see it all now; de Laudwant me to stay here wid dese womens and dese chil'ns, and Marsa Gen'lhe not t'ink ob dat, so de Laud jes' let him git hurted, so he hab tocome and stay wid de folks and hab me heah? Is dat it, Marfa?'
"'Yes, dat am de case; and I 'spec you is glad, kase you is a powerfulcoward, Ham; you knows you is.'
"'Marfa, you neber see me fightin' dem Sesh. Else you not say dem hardwords 'bout Ham. No, indeed, you not know 'bout me.'
"'I 'specs dat's so, Ham. How many of de Sesh does you 'specs you iskilled?'
"'Don' know, don' know. I neber counted em; war too busy, Marfa.'
"This was getting Ham into a close place, and he retired.
"In a few days Henry returned and reported that the arrest of Alstonhad alarmed the conspirators in Canada very greatly. Carey and Pagewere still in Richmond. Wilkes had returned to Canada and had been atMontreal with Thomlinson, but Henry could get nothing out of him, asThomlinson thought it best not to have any one know what was to beattempted unless they could aid in carrying it out; but he said thecountry would be startled very soon. Henry surmised what he meant, andas soon as he could get away from Wintergreen he left for home.
"I sent him to the President with this information, also a lettercalling the President's attention to his great danger, and the danger inwhich the country would be in the event that anything should occur thatwould put the Vice-President in power. This was the last communication Iever had with the best of all Presidents."