Buddhist Warfare

by Michael Jerryson

  Juzan urged Buddhists in various parts of China to become organized through the patriotic campaign sponsored by the Communist regime, so that they could also demonstrate their Buddhist patriotism. On August 3, 1951, Juzan responded to a letter from a readers inquiring about how Buddhists should be united and reorganized in the contemporary war effort. He advised them to set up a Committee of Buddhist Circles for Resisting America and Assisting Korea, which would have ten benefits:

  1. It is in tune with the request of the government.

  2. Such patriotic activities could rectify the feudal practice of the world escapism and world isolation of the sangha.

  3. It demonstrates Buddhist compassion.

  4. One cannot love the nation just by words without action; by setting up the committee, Buddhists might expand labor productivity.

  5. It may show that Buddhists love their nation and religion.

  6. It may solve all of the problems Buddhist institutions face within the framework of patriotism.

  7. It may change traditional beliefs about Buddhism so that Buddhists may be respected.

  8. At the end of the Korean War, the committee, after reshuffling, may be reorganized as a Buddhist society.

  9. By obtaining regular supervision and instruction from the government, the committee may play a significant role in Buddhist affairs.

  10. The committee could deal with individual persons and carry out its work with skillful means.29

  On June 14, 1951, at the Conference of Young Christians held in Beijing, Zhao Puchu, a leading lay Buddhist in Beijing and Shanghai, delivered a speech that summarized the political task of religious believers. He emphasized the importance of religious followers expounding on the spirit of patriotism and actively participating in the struggles against the imperialist invasion. He then continued:

  It is required in all religions that their followers must love their nation and people, resisting invasion and safeguarding peace. Buddhists are duty-bound to repay the kindness of the nation and people, and always remind ourselves of this duty through reciting the scriptures everyday. Working for the benefit and happiness of people without considering even our lives is the vow of Buddhists.30

  Zhao Puchu urged Buddhists to work for the Chinese people even at the risk of their lives. He reiterated the importance of a religious follower loving his nation more than his religion . Loving one’s nation is primary while loving one’s religion is secondary in that the existence of one’s religion depends on the existence of one’s nation. Chinese Buddhists had no separate political standpoints, but always shared the same ideology that the Chinese people expressed under the leadership of the Communist Party. In other words, in demonstrating their patriotism, Chinese Buddhists should work hard for their country and stand firmly by their fellow citizens; only then could they be in a position to love their religion.

  The patriotic sentiments of Buddhists at the time were also manifested in their eulogies for the greatness and nobility of Chairman Mao; only he, as they and other Chinese at the time commonly believed, could protect the nation and save them from suffering. Ven. Yiliang, a leading monk in Beijing, expressed his belief that Mao and the Communist Party had brought a new era to China, so that people could enjoy unprecedented happiness and freedom. During the forty years of revolution, the Communist Party had generated the superior merits of kindness, and all Chinese should repay these merits of kindness by following the instructions of the party leaders. Ven. Yiliang called upon all Buddhists to pay homage to the Communist regime and to eulogize the absolute rightness of its policy on culture. In order to repay these great kindnesses and merits of the party and Chairman Mao, Yiliang suggested that Buddhists put Buddhist compassion into practice within the context of patriotism, willingly making sacrifices for whatever cause the nation was undertaking.

  It is generally understood among Buddhists that one who practices great compassion and loving-kindness shares happiness with all sentient beings and releases their sufferings without discrimination. Yet very few Buddhists practice such ideas in their daily activities. Some monks at this time believed that Buddhist compassion and loving-kindness should be guided by the principle of wisdom. “One has to be compassionate to good people, but if one is compassionate to bad people, it will indirectly help bad people to do evil things.”31 The standard criteria in making such distinctions between the bad and the good were those that were in accordance with the principles of the party and the sayings of Mao. The Buddha showed great compassion to his contemporary people, yet he also fought against Devadatta and other evil ones. Ven. Yiliang reminded Buddhists that they should make a clear distinction without the slightest ambiguity between good and bad, friends and enemies, and stand always on the side of the Volunteer Army and the People’s Army; they should show no sympathy whatsoever but only hatred toward the U.S. troops and the puppet government of South Korea.32

  On March 8, 1951, a Committee of Buddhist Circles in Nanchang for Resisting America and Assisting Korea was organized, and Ven. Xindao and 15 other leading monks were elected as committee members. On March 11, Xindao made the following address to a meeting of 187 monks and nuns from the Nanchang area:

  We know that the people’s government surely guarantees the freedom of religious belief. We Buddhists must unite as quickly as possible, and together with the followers of other religions, unconditionally support the Volunteer Army and the People’s Army . The best thing to do is to join the army directly and to learn the spirit in which kyamuni, the embodiment of compassion, killed robbers in order to save people and endured suffering on behalf of all living creatures. To wipe out the American imperialist demons, who are destroying world peace, is in accordance with Buddhist doctrines; it is not only blameless but actually will give rise to merit as well.33

  The Buddhist campaign of patriotism conducted by leading Buddhists certainly affected ordinary monks and nuns, who then demonstrated their patriotic enthusiasm by doing whatever the government asked of them. The Committees of Buddhists for Resisting America and Assisting Korea already existed in different regions and were then gradually established nationwide. Some Buddhists signed their patriotic pledges and undertook political studies while others organized public parades. According to an incomplete record pieced together from Xiandai Foxue, monks and nuns in more than twenty cities organized public parades, and more than 10,000 signed patriotic pledges from June 1950 to August 1953.

  Marxist education and the socialist transformation of institutional Buddhism inside temples had begun immediately after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. In some places before the war, monks and nuns had already been transformed through the reeducation program into ordinary socialist workers and peasants. Their Buddhist identities gradually disappeared, their activities lost any Buddhist flavor, and monks and nuns became common workers and farmers in new China. Unfortunately, it is difficult to know the activities of these “ex-Buddhists.” In some places where Buddhist participation in the war was specifically reported (and even highlighted to demonstrate Buddhist enthusiasm and patriotism), two of the most significant and widespread activities were the donations for the Chinese Buddhist airplane and the recruitment of young monks and nuns into the Chinese Volunteer Army.

  Donation of the Buddhist Airplane and Military Recruitment

  The Buddhist campaign to donate an airplane and other military equipment was not the first time this had happened in modern Chinese history. Earlier, in the Republic Period, monks and nuns responding to the Nationalist appeal organized such campaigns during the Anti-Japanese War. Yet, at this time, the campaign was more widespread and was permeated with stronger patriotic passion. In the middle of 1951, U.S. troops intensified their counterattacks, causing enormous casualties among Chinese solders and massive destruction of their military equipment. On June 1, the General Committee of Chinese People for Resisting America and Assisting Korea issued an urgent appeal to all Chinese people to participate in the campaign of patriotic pledges,
to donate money for airplanes and cannons, and to provide desired services to the families of the Volunteer Army.34 Quickly, effectively, and with enthusiasm, the Chinese people responded to the appeal, so did the Buddhists.

  The Committee of Buddhist Circles in Beijing for Resisting America and Assisting Korea sent an open letter to all Buddhists in China, stating, “All fellow Buddhists, let us actively make contributions! We must donate a Chinese Buddhist airplane . We must work hard to increase production.”35 On June 20, 1951, Buddhists in Jiuquan in Guansu province sent another letter to Xiandai Foxue, challenging all other Buddhists in China to make contributions to the Buddhist airplane.36 The letter stated that even children were saving their pocket money to purchase a “children’s airplane” for the Volunteer Army. Buddhists, who were family members of the Chinese nation, should not hesitate to do the same. The letter further declared:

  [We Buddhists] should dispel all misgivings in observing precepts that we would perhaps violate the precept of non-killing if we donate the airplane or cannons, which are the instruments of killing. [We] dare to assure that one who practices the bodhisattva’s path will take up a knife and kill evil ones so that the good people may live in peace and happiness. The crazy criminals of American imperialists have threatened the peace of the whole world. [They] attempt to rule the world and take charge over Asia, so their bombardments and killing have become intensified. It is crystal clear now that peace and invasion cannot live simultaneously together. Safeguarding the nation is definitely the important task of every citizen. We are determined to eliminate all evil enemies through “killing for stopping killing.” Removing all sense of worries, we shall further unite all peoples of different nationalities, and take actions to accomplish the donation task.37

  The letter specified two sorts of donations, one general and one special. The general donation was to fulfill the duty of Buddhists as family members of the Chinese nation; the special donation was for Buddhists to make specific contributions for the purchase of the Buddhist airplane. Finally, the letter challenged all Buddhists to fulfill their patriotic duty in accordance with the Buddhist practices of compassion, loving-kindness, appreciative joy, and equanimity. Within a short period, the call had received overwhelming responses from Buddhists throughout China. Especially in big cities, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Suzhou, and Tianjin, Buddhists established special committees to conduct the campaigns.

  Buddhists in Shanghai promised to contribute 750 million yuan which, according to the current value, was half of the cost of an airplane. The Committee of Buddhist Circles in Beijing for Resisting America and Assisting Korea pledged on behalf of all Buddhists in the area that it would collect about 60–100 million yuan within the next half year. Meanwhile, it was proposed that the task of providing the rest of the money needed for the airplane should be shared by Buddhists in other cities.38 In order to quicken the process of collecting the donations, the committee passionately appealed:

  Fellow Buddhists all over China, everyone is duty-bound to love one’s country. How could we Buddhists lag behind …? Please work harder, we must endeavor to accomplish our patriotic task in time as scheduled.39

  The donation campaign quickly spread among Buddhist communities in different parts of China. It seemed that each province or city, having received a quota from Beijing, in turn shared it among the temples and individual Buddhists in the area. Some individual Buddhists pledged to work longer every day and donate the extra income, while others promised to save a certain amount of money each day. The sangha in Shanghai urged individual monks to save 200 yuan or 500 yuan per day; nuns were asked to contribute 200 yuan per day as well. Collectively, temples were sorted into four classes depending on their size and wealth, with the first class donating 20,000 yuan per day, the second donating 10,000 yuan, the third 5,000 yuan, and the fourth 2,500 yuan per day. The Buddhist Youth Society in Shanghai requested its 600 members to donate 6,000, 30,000, 60,000, or 120,000 yuan respectively.40 It was anticipated that the donation campaign for the Buddhist airplane in Shanghai would be completed within six months.

  The donation campaign for the Buddhist airplane was well received in many parts of China due to the prevailing patriotic sentiments at the time and the involvement of well-known Buddhists. The money was gradually remitted to Beijing through the People’s Bank, with a specific indication for the Chinese Buddhist airplane. On November 3, 1951, the Panchen Lama41 in Xining issued a statement:

  [I] pledge to do my best to appeal to Tibetan people and Buddhists that they actively participate in the campaign of Resisting America and Assisting Korea, to donate military equipment with enthusiasm. We should make efforts to fulfill the plan of purchasing a Buddhist fighter plane earlier than scheduled.42

  The available information indicates that, unlike what happened during the Anti-Japanese War—when some Buddhists had questioned the authenticity and legitimacy of a Buddhist airplane (which would cause the massive destruction of human lives)—no such voice was recorded this time. Buddhists in general seem to have supported the campaign; some regretted the difficulty in fulfilling their assigned quotas due to different reasons, such as lack of income. While expressing their difficulty and sorrow, however, these Buddhists never criticized the campaign itself. They did not complain about being rather forcibly assigned donation quotas, nor did they articulate any unwillingness to make such contributions. Quite the contrary, despite bemoaning their poor economic situations, they promised to do their best to donate their assigned share of the money.43 Meanwhile, some of them who were unable to pay their share donated their products—such as raw rice and wheat—as substitute compensation. Buddhists in Guangzhou City had been asked to donate 100 million yuan, but by the end of November 1951, only 20 million yuan had been collected. The Study Society of Buddhists in Guangzhou then decided to organize a sale of vegetables, with all income to be donated to their quota. For three days, May 29–31, 1952, a vegetable sale was held in Liu Rong Temple , and 12,183,700 yuan were collected.44 By January 1952, Buddhists in Beijing proudly announced that they had already contributed 58,711,600 yuan and thus almost completed the assigned donation task earlier than scheduled.45

  At the same time as the campaign for the donation of the Chinese Buddhist airplane, another campaign was under way throughout China to encourage young monks and nuns to join the Volunteer Army. The phenomenon of Buddhist clergy joining the army to defend the nation against a foreign invasion had already been seen during the Anti-Japanese War. This time, however, more sangha members were recruited, demonstrating how Buddhists, endowed with patriotism, had supported the Communist government. Shortly after China’s involvement in the war, a nationwide campaign for military recruitment among young Chinese people took place and attracted the attention of the Buddhist sangha, especially the young monks.

  Having gone through a number of sociopolitical campaigns and regular Marxist studies, young monks and nuns gradually transformed themselves, both physically and mentally, into new citizens of the Chinese nation, ready to sacrifice their religion and even their lives for their country. Their religious commitment became secularized and the sacredness of monkhood disappeared from their daily lives, which became no different than that of ordinary secular Chinese. The only exception was that they continued to wear Buddhist robes; in some places, they even wore the same clothing as ordinary secular Chinese. These young monks and nuns were then considered by themselves and by others as common family members of the Chinese nation.

  Meanwhile, Buddhist leaders, advised by the government, constantly encouraged the socialist transformation of the sangha. They insisted that Buddhists accept the leadership of the Communist Party by following the instructions of the government and by taking part in political campaigns sponsored by the regime. Under these circumstances, the question of whether monks and nuns would violate Buddhist discipline if they followed the government’s order became unimportant in comparison to fulfilling their national duty. Some were convinced that their activiti
es (even bearing arms and killing enemies in the war) were actually sanctioned by Buddhist doctrines and justified by the contemporary situation. The question they often asked was not why but how Buddhists should make contributions to the nation by participating in the war. Thus, the phenomenon was often seen where elder monks sent their young monk-disciples to report for military duties; the young monks were happy and proud to become members of the Volunteer Army.

  At the beginning of the Korean War, it was often seen that monks and nuns went, alone or together, with other Chinese people and participate in a street demonstration. They would join in shouting anti-American slogans and pledging in public that they were prepared to go to the front and fight against the invaders. Later, when the campaign for military recruitment occurred in China, it was often reported that young monks changed from their robes into military uniforms at the military recruitment stations. Their decision to join the army was considered to be the glory of the entire Buddhist community and thus welcomed by the government and supported by the sangha.

  In January 1951, a young monk named Shangchun from Qingliang Temple in Changzhou submitted an application for military enlistment, which was quickly accepted. A farewell celebration party was organized one afternoon inside Qingliang Temple, which was attended by more than forty leading monks and nuns from major temples in the area. All of them extended their blessings and appreciation in support of Shangchun’s decision and action.46 After the party, there was a public parade in which Shangchun rode on a horse while wearing a huge red flower pinned on the front of his clothes. More than twenty Buddhists, including monks and nuns, marched at the front of the parade, carrying red flags, beating drums, and striking gongs. Fireworks announced the event. The parade passed through major streets of the city and attracted large crowds of people who highly praised the patriotic act of the young monk.