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animals and had no Greek equivalents, such as the Apis bull and the
Buchis bull. These are of course examples of the same devotion he
frequently showed towards Greek gods, but ones where he clearly
demonstrated an understanding of the different religious sensibilities of his
Egyptian subjects. This attitude is also reflected in a papyrus from Saqqara
containing an order made by one of Alexander’s military commanders,
Peucestas, the son of Macartatus. This document – written in Greek and
therefore addressed to Greeks and Macedonians – forbids soldiers to enter
the necropolis of sacred animals at Saqqara, which the order declares to be
an area exclusively reserved for priests. One can assume that this order
was a repetition of the supreme commander’s instructions. By protecting
the sanctity of the graves of animals worshiped by the Egyptians,
including Apis bulls, Alexander also eliminated a potential source of
conflict between his soldiers and the local population. The whole
programme of investing in temples and the respect shown to the most
important Egyptian gods indicate that Alexander behaved like the rightful
pharaoh of the Egyptians and consciously referred to the traditions of the
independent Egypt Nectanebo II had defended over a decade earlier.
Alexander was informed of Egyptian culture, tradition and expectations by
142 Porter, Moss 1929, pp. 44-45; Bell 1985; Raziq 1988; Burstein 1994, p. 382;
Stewart 1993, pp. 172-178; Menu 1998; Ladynin 1999, pp. 95-96.
From Abydus to Alexandria
205
local advisors, the high-priests of Ptah in Memphis and of Thoth at
Hermopolis as well as by high-ranking officials. It is to his own credit,
however, that he willingly made use of this expert knowledge. Thus the
king was able to proceed in accordance with the Egyptian theological
concept of ensuring the rule of Maat and thus securing Egypt’s success
and prosperity. This was achieved when the monarch performed the
appropriate rituals and sacrifices to release the divine world cycle and
maintain contact with the sphere of the gods. On the political level this
legitimised his authority in Egypt among the powerful priestly elite which
in the 4th century was able to deny legitimity even to some native rulers.
Alexander’s policy of respecting Egyptian religious sensitivity does not
prove that he was really crowned pharaoh of Egypt but it does make it
plausible. The Alexander Romance provides the description of an
evidently genuine pharaoh coronation. The fact that the book claims the
ceremony took place at the Temple of Ptah in Memphis may explain why
throughout the Hellenistic era the post of high-priest at that temple was
unusually held by members of a single family. Moreover, though his reign
in Egypt was considerably shorter, Alexander’s name appears in Egyptian
inscriptions nine times more frequently than that of his predecessor Darius
III. This would indicate that Alexander was far more accepted by the
country’s religious elites than the last of the Achaemenid kings.143
It was during his first stay in the Egyptian capital or after his return
from Siwah (according to Arrian) that Alexander decided on how Egypt
should be governed. Arrian states that he appointed two nomarchs or
rather – in light of what has been found on an Egyptian ostracon from
Memphis – satraps whose Greek names were Petisis and Doloaspis. The
names indicate that the first was an Egyptian and the second was an
Iranian. The nominations show that Alexander intended to maintain the
Persian system of administration into which he wished to enrol both
Persian and Egyptian elites. Petisis’s early resignation from his nominated
position has led some historians to the not entirely justified theory that the
Egyptian elites had become disillusioned with the Macedonian rule.
Doloaspis became the sole satrap but his authority was limited to civilian
and judicial administration. As usual, Alexander entrusted military
commands in this satrapy to his own officers. He appointed the
Macedonians Pantaleon and Polemon as commandants of the already
existing garrisons at Memphis and Pelusium respectively. The Aetolian
143 Order of Peucestas: Turner 1974. It reflects the will of Alexander referred to in
Curt., 4.7.5. Thompson 1988, pp. 138-146; O’Brien 1992, p. 86; Stewart 1993, pp.
171-178; Wirth 1993, p. 191; van Voss 1993; Menu 1998; Ladynin 1999, pp. 86-
87; Briant 2002, p. 117.
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Lycidas as well as the Macedonians Peucestas and Balacrus were also
given separate military commands, while the Nile estuary was to be
guarded by the Macedonian Polemon with a squadron of 30 ships. Arrian
notes that Alexander intentionally appointed such a large number of
commanders only answerable to him in Egypt, so that none of them could
possibly aspire to take over control of the whole country. Though never on
such a large scale as in Egypt, this practice would later also be frequently
applied by Alexander in the eastern satrapies. Nonetheless, there was a key
figure among the new authorities, Cleomenes of Naucratis, a Greek from
beyond the circle of Alexander’s hetairoi who most probably acquired this
important position thanks to his administrative talent and experience he
had perhaps gained serving Persian satraps. Some sources mistakenly call
him the satrap of Egypt, though this may result from the informal power
he indeed held at the start of Macedonian rule in that country. Alexander
accepted an existing system of administration that had been originally
formulated during the 26th Dynasty and next adopted by the Persians. It
was essentially a centralised fiscal bureaucracy headed by an official
called a senti, or dioiketes in Greek. Apart from being appointed to this
extremely important position, Cleomenes was put in charge of the building
of Alexandria as well as the administration of part of Arabia, presumably
territories to the east of the Nile Delta. As well as the normal procedures
of collecting taxes, Cleomenes also resorted to unconventional methods of
extorting from temples loans the government would never pay back on the
threat of confiscating temple property; this practice had first been applied
by the Egyptian administration during the last period of independence
under the rule of the pharaoh Tachos. Cleomenes additionally saved
money by craftily not paying a month’s wages due to soldiers stationed in
Egypt. Moreover, he set up a network of informers in foreign markets to
establish where Egyptian grain could be sold at the most profitable price.
Cleomenes also ran the mint, most probably at Memphis, which initially
continued the issuing of coins from Persian times but towards the end of
his government it started striking tetradrachms and staters with
Alexander’s portrait. Nominated at the end of 332 or beginning of 331,
Cleomenes was able to ensure the financing of Macedonian garrisons,
realize the building and renovation projects commissioned by Alexander
as well as pay for the very expensive founding of the city of Alexandria.
A
nd on top of that he was able to amass 8,000 talents in the provincial
treasury, naturally at the cost of acquiring the reputation of a ruthless
financier.144
144 Arr., An. , 3.5.2-7; Arr., Succ. ,1.5; Curt., 4.8.4-5; Arist., Oec. , 1352a-b; [D.], 56.7-8; Diod., 18.14.1; Paus., 1.6.3; Dexipp., FGrH, 100 F8.2; Ps.-Callisth., 1.34.7;
From Abydus to Alexandria
207
From Memphis Alexander went on an expedition up the Nile. We
cannot be certain whether he reached the Thebaid, though it is possible as
even with the means of transport in those days the excursion need not have
lasted longer than a month. On the other hand at some stage Alexander
did send a separate expedition to discover why the Nile flooded. We know
this from an account of Alexander’s historian Callisthenes. What we
cannot be sure of is whether or not this was purely a geographic and
meteorological fact finding mission or whether its aim also involved
ascertaining the military strength and resources of the Kingdom of Meroe,
which was situated to the south of Egypt. A delegation from that country
visited Alexander at Babylon in 324. Thanks to the findings of this
expedition, Aristotle was able to formulate a theory that the Nile floods
were caused by seasonal rains falling in the region of the river’s source in
Ethiopia.145
On another journey from Memphis Alexander sailed with elite
detachments of hetairoi, hypaspists, archers and Agrianians down the
westernmost (Canopic) branch of the Nile right up to the sea. Before he
returned to the Egyptian capital in April 331, two important events
occurred: the founding of Alexandria and the visit to Siwah. Unfortunately
the ancient sources do not concur as to the chronology of these events and
there are similar differences of opinion among modern historians. The
current state of knowledge on this subject makes A.B. Bosworth’s
hypothesis the most plausible: Alexander selected the site for the new city
– no doubt on the advice of people with expert knowledge of Egypt, such
as perhaps Cleomenes of Naucratis – during his first visit there, but the
actual building began after his return from Siwah. First he had to consult
the oracle at Siwah and also make appropriate preparations, such as the
drafting of the city’s plan. That is why a later date, 25th Tybi which in 331
corresponded to 7th April, was annually celebrated as the day the city was
founded. Alexandria was not the first city founded by Alexander but
politically, economically and culturally it was by far the most important.
The outline of the city’s boundaries resembled a military cloak, the
chlamys, and measured 80 stades (14.5 km) in diameter. It was marked out
– in accordance with Macedonian custom – with flour, which a huge flock
of birds immediately devoured. The king was initially disturbed by this
phenomenon, but it was then explained to him that this was a good omen
Just., 13.4.11. Satrap Petisis in a demotic ostracon: Smith 1988; Jasnow 1997, p.
95, n. 2. Bosworth 1980, pp. 275-278; Atkinson 1980, pp. 364-367; Briant 1996,
pp. 425, 739, 878-881; Briant 2002, pp. 62-63; Le Rider 1997; Le Rider 2003, pp.
238-262; Heckel 2006, p. 224.
145 Callisth., FGrH, 124 F12a; Arist., FGrH, 646 T2a. Burstein 1976a.
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which meant Alexandria would attract many settlers from all over the
world. Plutarch relates a legend in which the idea of founding this city is
suggested by Homer, who visits Alexander in a dream. Nonetheless, the
most important reason clearly appears to have been commercial. Having
taken control of the eastern Mediterranean and gained knowledge of
Egypt’s economic potential, Alexander decided to found a major city on
the site of a trading settlement ( emporion) called Rhacotis, which is hardly
mentioned in ancient sources. Alexandria became the gateway for trade
between Egypt and much of the Orient on one side and the lucrative
markets of the Aegean and later of the whole of the western world on the
other. This role could not be fulfilled by Naucratis as it was located too far
from the sea and by then experiencing a period of decline. The ancient
sources attribute the actual designing of Alexandria to Deinocrates of
Rhodes, who had been member of Alexander’s circle of friends since at
least mid 332 and is also famous for planning to convert Mount Athos into
a huge sculpture of Alexander. The latter plan was rejected, but
Deinocrates’ talents were employed in the urban design of Alexandria.
Well positioned on an easy to defend isthmus between Lake Mareotis and
the Mediterranean Sea, the street grid was planned in such a way so that
strong winds would cool the inhabitants during Egyptian heat waves.
Settlers were brought in from the whole of Greece and that nation would
dominate the city’s ethnic makeup over the next 1,000 years. The native
populations of surrounding villages were resettled in a separate district of
the city with its own temple to Isis and no doubt sanctuaries to other
Egyptian deities.146
Alexander set off from Lake Mareotis and proceeded via Paraitonion
(today Marsa Matruh) 600 km south west to the Siwah Oasis – the
northernmost of the Libyan Desert oases. When Alexander was still by
Lake Mareotis (according to Curtius) or halfway to Siwah (according to
Diodorus), therefore most probably at Paraitonion, he received envoys
from the Greek colony Cyrene in Libya, who brought him a gold crown
and gifts, including 300 chargers. Later Alexander considered Cyrene to
146 Arr., An. , 3.1.5-2.2; Plu., Alex. , 26.3-10, 72.5-8; Plu., mor. , 335c-d (architect’s name is mistakenly Stasicrates); Diod., 17.52; Str., 17.1.6; Curt., 4.8.1-6; Vitr., 2,
pr. 2.3; Fragmentum Sabbaiticum, FGrH, 151 F1.11; Just., 11.11; It. Alex. , 48-49; Ps.-Callisth., 1.31.-33. Welles 1962; Wilcken 1967, pp. 117-120; Fraser 1972, i, pp.
3-7, ii, pp. 1-11; Fraser 1996, pp. 174-175; Bosworth 1980, pp. 263-266; Seibert
1985, pp. 85-86; Hammond 1996, pp. 124-126; Hamilton 1999, pp. 66-68; Hölbl
2000, pp. 9-10; Brown 2001; Nawotka 2003, p. 114.
From Abydus to Alexandria
209
be part of his domain therefore we can presume that this delegation came
to declare the colony’s fealty and pay a tribute in the form of gifts.147
Situated in a depression surrounded by chalk mountains, Siwah had an
ample supply of water (today there are c. 300 wells) capable in ancient
times of supporting several settlements. This allowed for the existence of a
small Berber state ruled by a local royal dynasty, though not entirely free
of Egyptian influence. Its only claim to fame was a temple and the Berber
oracle of an ithyphallic deity, which for not entirely clear reasons started
being associated with Ammon. The high-priests of this sanctuary were the
Egyptianized kings of Siwah. A temple to Ammon was raised at Siwah
during the 26th dynasty, and it was still active in Alexander’s day. The
local cult of Ammon as well as the oracle started to interest the Greeks
towards the end of the 6th century, initially just at Cyrene, which was 600
km away, but later also the inhabitants of mainland Gree
ce. Of course, in
keeping with their customs, the Greeks called the Siwah deity Zeus.148 The
purpose of this long and arduous journey was not to fulfil any Egyptian
religious or monarchic obligations because pharaohs never visited this
oasis. The real reason was most probably because Alexander, who always
attached great importance to religious ritual and the possibility of
understanding closer the will of the gods, felt an irresistible longing to
visit an oracle that in the Greek world for a long time had been considered
infallible. Apart from this desire to ask important questions and, as people
of that era perceived it, have them answered, Alexander, as usual, also
wished to compete with his mythological predecessors Heracles and
Perseus, who had also supposedly visited Siwah.149
On his journey Alexander was accompanied by a detachment of
soldiers to protect him from nomads of the Libyan Desert and by baggage
carrying camels. The first stage of the journey was along the coast, but
from Paraitonion they had to cross 300 km of open desert. During this part
of the journey, which took them eight days, the Macedonians experienced
a violent sandstorm raised by a southern wind called the Khamaseen. After
this storm the desert landscape was quite altered, but the now lost
Macedonians were first saved by a shower of rain, which provided them
with much needed water, and then by a divine sign; Aristobulus states that
two ravens appeared, but the more imaginative Ptolemy claims they were
147 Diod., 17.49.2; Curt., 4.7.9; Arr., An. , 7.9.8. Seibert 1985, p. 86.
148 Parke 1967, pp. 196-219; Bosworth 1977; Kuhlmann 1988, pp. 9-107; Hölbl
2000, p. 10.
149 Callisth., FGrH, 124 F14a (= Str., 17.1.43); Arr., An. , 3.3.1. Wilcken 1967, pp.
121-123; Bosworth 1977, pp. 68-69.
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in fact two snakes speaking human voice. These ravens or snakes led
Alexander and his companions to Siwah.150
The first ever visit of an Egyptian monarch must have been a major