Microsoft Word - front-1-4438-1743-0.rtf
Page 69
Callisth., 3.34. Fraser 1972, i, pp. 15-16 and n. 79 (ii, pp. 31-32); Pietrzykowski
1976; Erskine 2002; Chugg 2002.
23 Paus., 1.7.1. Habicht 1988; Schlange-Schöningen 1996.
Death, Last Plans, Tomb
385
far from the sea. That much can be deduced from what is written in the
ancient sources alone. However, modern historians trying to find its exact
location have come up with various sites – most frequently on the western
or eastern slope of Kom-ed-Dik. A tempting hypothesis has emerged
which sees the vestibule of the Soma in the so-called Alabaster Tomb in
the Latin Cemetery of Alexandria. Our current state of knowledge simply
does not allow us to formulate any convincing theses about the exact
location of Alexander’s tomb. Worse still, inevitable changes in the
coastline since ancient times make possible the eventuality that the part of
the Ptolemaic palace complex including the Soma is now under the sea.24
Alexander’s tomb was venerated for centuries and regularly visited by
very distinguished guests from afar, including the Roman emperors
Augustus, Septimus Severus and Caracalla. It is last mentioned as still
existing in the work of Herodian describing events of 215 AD. Most
scholars therefore assume that it was destroyed in that same century,
perhaps during fighting over Alexandria between the Palmyrean and
Emperor Aurelian forces in 272 AD. The writings of 5th-century Christian
authors St John Chrysostom and Theodoretus of Cyrrhus have been put
forward as evidence of the disappearance or even erasing of Alexander
from people’s memories. Yet this is exceptionally weak evidence.
Theodoretus only states how the tombs of even the most famous pagans
are now forgotten to contrast it with how the graves of the Christian
martyrs are now venerated and thus emphasise the power of the Lord. The
writer mentions the lost tombs of Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, Augustus,
Vespasian, Hadrian and Alexander. Yet most of these tombs have survived
to this day and they were also known in the 5th century. Therefore the
evidence provided by these Christian authors is merely rhetorical and we
can only conclude that we cannot know for certain when Alexander’s
tomb disappeared. It is possible that it was still in existence in 361 AD if
we accept that it is the ‘splendid temple of the Genius’ ( speciosum Genii
templum) mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus, for on some Alexandrian
coins Alexander was presented as a Genius ( Agathos Daimon).25 It is
totally unknown what the connection was between Alexander’s tomb and
an Alexander’s cenotaph which appears in the medieval Muslim records of
Alexandria. It is also worth mentioning that Alexander is mentioned in the
24 Fraser 1972, ii, pp. 31-39; Fiaccadori 1992; Schlange-Schöningen 1996.
Alabaster Tomb hypothesis: Adriani 2000.
25 Hdn., 4.8.9; Amm. Marc., 22.11.7; Ioannes Chrysostomus, Or. , 26.12 ( PG, 61, p.
581); Theodoretos Kyrrou, Hellenikon therapeutike pathematon, 8.60-61.
Disappearance of Alexander’s tomb in the 3rd c. A.D.: Fraser 1972, ii, pp. 35-36;
contra: Chugg 2002, Erskine 2002.
386
Chapter VIII
Koran as Dū’l-Karnain (the ‘two-horned’) and that that was also the name
of one of the mosques in medieval Alexandria.26
Finally it was Arab tradition which identified an object believed to be
Alexander’s sarcophagus. In 1798 it was robbed from Atarine mosque in
Alexandria by Napoleon’s soldiers. After the French army’s capitulation
the sarcophagus ended up in the British Museum in London. It was
examined by E.D. Clarke, who also maintained that it was Alexander’s
coffin, but when the hieroglyphs were deciphered, it the turned out that it
had actually been created for Nectanebo II. Nevertheless, today the theory
that this was Alexander’s sarcophagus has been revived. Already A.J.
Wace noted that although the sarcophagus may have been made for
Nectanebo II, his body could not have been placed there as the pharaoh
had died beyond Egypt. Moreover, it would have been considered
sacrilege to lay the body of a mere mortal in such a coffin, so in 321 it
would almost certainly have still been unused. If the association between
Alexander and Nectanebo II (i.e. in Egyptian public opinion rather than
reality) as related in the Alexander Romance was true, laying the body of
the Macedonian king in this sarcophagus would have seemed the most
natural and proper thing to do. The official tradition associating this
sarcophagus with Alexander goes back at least the 16th century and there is
circumstantial evidence that it already existed as early as the 9th century. It
is therefore possible that the British Museum has the only surviving relic
of Alexander’s tomb.27
26 Quran, 18.83-98. Fraser 1972, ii, pp. 36-39.
27 Clarke 1805; Wace 1948; Chugg 2002. Contra: Fraser 1972, ii, pp. 39-40.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Major literary sources
Arrian, Anabasis Alexandri, Indica. With an English translation by P.A.
Brunt, i-ii, London and Cambridge1976 (Loeb Classical Library).
Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists. With an English translation by C.B.
Gulick, i-vii, London and Cambridge1937 (Loeb Classical Library).
Quintus Curtius, History of Alexander. With an English translation by J.C.
Rolfe, i-ii, Cambridge and London 1946 (Loeb Classical Library).
Diodorus of Sicily, With an English translation by C.B. Welles, viii:
Books xvi.66-95 and xvii, Cambridge and London 1963 (Loeb
Classical Library).
Diodorus of Sicily, With an English translation by M.G. Russel, ix: Books
xviii and xix 1-65, Cambridge and London 1947 (Loeb Classical
Library).
R. Tabacco, Per una nuova edizione critica dell’ Itinerarium Alexandri,
Bologna 1992.
Polybius, The Histories. With an English translation by W.R. Patton, i-vi,
Cambridge and London 1926 (Loeb Classical Library).
Plutarch’s Lives. With an English translation by B. Perrin, vii:
Demosthenes and Cicero, Alexander and Caesar, London and
Cambridge 1919 (Loeb Classical Library).
Plutarch’s Moralia. With an English translation by F.C. Babbitt, iv: 263D-
351B, Cambridge and London 1936 (Loeb Classical Library).
Fragments: of ancient historians quoted here by numbers in the standard
edition: F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Berlin
and Leiden 1923-1958.
A new edition of fragments: J. Auberger, Historiens d’Alexandre. Textes
traduits et annotés par ..., Paris 2005.
Works quoted
Abramenko 1992 A., “Die zwei Seeschlachten von Tyros,” Klio 74, pp.
166-178.
Adams 1999. W.L., “Philip II, the League of Corinth and the Governance
of Greece,” [in:] Ancient Macedonia, vi: Papers Read at the Sixth
388
Bibliography
International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, October 15-19, 1996, i,
Thessaloniki, pp. 15-22.
Adriani 2000. A., La tomba di Alessandro. Realtà, ipotesi e fantasie,
Roma.
Alessandri 1997. S., “Alessandro Magno e i Celti,” MH 54, pp. 131-157.
storiografico,” [in:] S. Alessandri (ed.), Ìstor∂h . Studi offerti degli
allievi a Giuseppe Nenci in occasione del suo settantesimo
compleanno, Galatina, pp. 21-36.
Allen 2005. L., The Persian Empire: A History, London.
Ambos 2005. C., “Missverständnisse bei Ersatzkönigsritualen für
Assurbanipal und Alexander den Grossen,” [in:] C. Ambos et al.
(hrsg.), Die Welt der Rituale. Von der Antike bis Heute, Darmstadt, pp.
96-101.
Andreotti 1957. R., “Die Weltmonarchie Alexanders des Grossen in
Überlieferung und geschichtlichen Wirklichkeit,” Saeculum 8, pp. 120-
166.
Andronicos 1978. M., “The Royal Tomb of Philip II,” Archaeology 31
(September-October 1978), pp. 33-41.
—. 1984. M., Vergina: The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City, Athens.
D’Angelo 1998. A., Plutarco. La fortuna o la virtù di Alessandro Magno.
Prima Orazione. Introduzione, edizione critica, traduzione e
commento, Naples (Corpus Plutarchi Moralium).
Anson 1991. E.M., “The Evolution of the Macedonian Army Assembly,”
Historia 40, pp. 230-247.
—. 2009. E., “Philip II, Amyntas Perdicca, and Macedonian Royal
Succession,” Historia 58, pp. 276-286.
Aperghis 2001. A, “Population – Production – Taxation – Coinage: A
Model for the Seleukid Economy,” [in:] Z.A. Archibald et al. (eds.),
Hellenistic Economies, London and New York, pp. 69-102.
Archibald 2000 Z., “Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and
Classical Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace,“[in:] Brock, Hodkinson
(eds.), Alternatives to Athens, pp. 212-33.
Ashley 1998. J.R., The Macedonian Empire: The Era of Warfare under
Philip II and Alexander the Great 359-323 B.C. , Jefferson NC and
London.
Atkinson 1980. J.E., A Commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus’ Historiae
Alexandri Magni Books 3 and 4, Amsterdam and Uithoorn.
—. 1994. J.E., A Commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus’ Historiae Alexandri
Magni Books 5 to 7.2, Amsterdam.
—. 2009 . J.E., Curtius Rufus, Histories of Alexander the Great. Book 10 /
Alexander the Great
389
introduction and historical commentary by J.E. Atkinson; translated by
J.C. Yardley.
Austin 2003. M., “Alexander and the Macedonian Invasion of Asia:
Aspects of the Historiography of War and Empire in Antiquity,” [in:] I.
Worthington (ed.), Alexander the Great: A Reader, London and New
York, pp. 118-135.
Aymard 1950. A., “Sur l’assemblée macédonienne,” REA 52, pp. 115-137.
Badian 1960. E., “The Death of Parmenio,” TAPhA 91, pp. 324-338.
—. 1961. E., “Harpalus,” JHS 81 (1961), pp. 16-43.
—. 1963. E., “The Death of Philip II,” Phoenix 17, pp. 244-250.
—. 1964. E., “Alexander the Great and the Loneliness of Power,” [in:]
idem, Studies in Greek and Roman History, Oxford 1964, pp. 192-205.
—. 1967. E., “Agis III,” Hermes 95, pp. 170-192.
—. 1968. E., “A King’s Notebook,” HSCPh 72, pp. 183-204.
—. 1977. E., “The Battle of the Granicus: A New Look,” [in:] Ancient
Macedonia, ii: Papers Read at the Second International Symposium
Held in Thessaloniki, 19-24 August, 1973, Thessaloniki, pp. 271-293.
—. 1982. E., “Greeks and Macedonians,” [in:] B. Barr-Sharrar, E.N. Borza
(eds.), Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic
Times, Washington, pp. 33-51.
—. 1982a. E., “Eurydice,” [in:] W.L. Adams, E.N. Borza (eds.), Philip II,
Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Heritage, Washington, pp.
99-110.
—. 1983. E., “Philip II and Thrace,” Pulpudeva 4, Sofia, pp. 51-71.
—. 1985. E., “Alexander in Iran,” [in:] I. Gershevitch (ed.), Cambridge
History of Iran, ii, Cambridge, pp. 420-501.
—. 1994. E., “Agis III: Revisions and Reflections,” [in:] I. Worthington
(ed.), Ventures into Greek History, Oxford, pp. 258-292.
—. 1996. E., “Alexander the Great between two thrones and Heaven:
variations on an old theme,” [in:] A.M. Small (ed.), Subject and Ruler:
the cult of the ruling power in classical antiquity: papers presented at
a conference held in the University of Alberta on April 13-15, 1994, to
celebrate the 65th anniversary of Duncan Fishwick, Ann Arbor, pp. 11-
26.
—. 1998. E., “The King’s Indians,” [in:] W. Will (hrsg.), Alexander der
Grosse. Eine Welteroberung und ihr Hintergrung. Vorträge des
Internationalen Bonner Alexanderkolloquiums, Bonn, pp. 205-224.
—. 2000. E., “Conspiracies,” [in:] A.B. Bosworth, E.J. Baynham (eds.),
Alexander the Great in Fact and Fiction, Oxford, pp. 50-95.
Balcer 1978. J.M., “Alexander’s Burning of Persepolis,” IA 13, pp. 119-
133.
390
Bibliography
Balsdon 1950. J.P.V.D., “The “Divinity” of Alexander,” Historia 1, pp.
363-380.
Barceló 1993. P. Basileia, Monarchia, Tyrannis. Untersuchungen zu
Entwicklung und Beurteilung von Alleinherrschaft im
vorhellenistischen Griechenland, Stuttgart ( Historia. Einzelschriften
79)
Barr-Sharrar 1982. B., “Macedonian Metal Vases in Perspective: Some
Observations on Context and Tradition,” [in:] B. Barr-Sharrar, E.N.
Borza (eds.), Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early
Hellenistic Times, Washington, pp. 122-139.
Bartsiokas 2000. A., “The Eye Injury of King Philip II and the Skeletal
Evidence from the Royal Tomb II at Vergina,” Science, 288, pp. 511-
514.
Baynham 1994. E.J., ”Antipater: Manager of Kings,” [in:] I. Worthington
(ed.), Ventures into Greek History, Oxford, pp. 331-356.
—. 1995. E., “Who Put the ‘Romance’ in the Alexander Romance?: The
Alexander Romance within Alexander Historiography,” AHB 9, pp. 1-
13.
—. 1995a. E.J., “An Introduction to the Metz Epitome: Its Traditions and
Value,” Antichthon 29, pp. 60-77.
—. 1998. E., “Why Didn’t Alexander Marry before Leaving Macedonia?
Observations on Factional Politics at Alexander’s Court in 336-334
B.C.,” RhM 141, pp. 141-152.
—. 1998a. E., Alexander the Great: The Unique History of Quintus
Curtius, Ann Arbor.
—. 2000. E.J., “A Baleful Birth in Babylonia: The Significance of the
Prodigy in the Liber de Morte – An Investigation of Genre,” [in:] A.B.
Bosworth, E.J. Baynham (eds.), Alexander the Great in Fact and
Fiction, Oxford, pp. 242-262.
—. 2003. E.J., “The Ancient Evidence for Alexander the Great,” [in:] J.
Roisman (ed.) Brill’s Companion to Alexander the Great, Leiden-
Boston, pp. 3-29.
Bean, Cook 1955. G.E., J.M., “The Halicarnassus Peninsula,” ABSA 50,
pp. 85-171.
Bele 1985. J., “Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka,” JNES 44, pp.
251-294.
Bernard 1985. P., Fouilles d’Aï-Khanoum, iv Les Monnaies hors-trésors.
Questions d’histoire gréco-bactrienne, Paris.
—. 1985a. P., “Le monnayage d’Eudamos, satrape grec du Pandjab et
maîtr
e des éléphants, ” [in:] G. Gnoli, L. Lanciotti (ed.), Orientalia
Iosephi Tucci memoriae dicata, i, Rome, pp. 65-94.
Alexander the Great
391
—. 1990
. P., “Nouvelles contribution de l’épigraphie cunéiforme à
l’histoire hellénistique,” BCH 114, pp. 513-541.
Bernhardt 1992. M.L., Sztuka grecka IV w. p.n.e. 2, Warsaw.
—. 1988. R., „Zu den Verhandlungen zwischen Dareios und Alexander
nach der Schlacht bei Issos,“ Chiron 18, pp. 181-198.
Berve 1926. H., Das Alexanderreich auf prosopographischer Grundlage,
i-ii, Munich.
Berve 1938. H., „Die Verschmeltzungspolitik Alexanders des Grossen,“
Klio 31, pp. 135-168.
Bickerman 1966 E., “The Seleucids and the Achaemenids,” [in:] Atti del
convegno sul terra: La Persia e il mondo greco-romano (Roma 11-14
aprile 1965), Rome, pp. 87-117.
Bieber 1964. M., Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art, Chicago.
Bielawski, Plezia 1970
J., M., La lettre d’Aristote à Alexandre le Grand
sur la politique envers les cités, Warsaw.
Billows 1990. R.A., Antigonos the One-Eyed and the Creation of the
Hellenistic State, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London.
—. 1994. R.A., Kings and Colonists: Aspects of Macedonian Imperialism,
Leiden, New York and Cologne.
Bing 1993. J.D., “Sissū/Issus and Phoenicians in Cilicia,” AJAH 10 (1985)
[1993], pp. 97-123.
Blackwell 1999. C.W., In the Absence of Alexander: Harpalus and the
Failure of Macedonian Authority, New York.
Bloedow 1995. E.F., “Diplomatic Negotiations between Darius and
Alexander: Historical Implications of the First Phase at Marathus in
Phoenicia in 333/332 B.C.,” AHB 9, pp. 93-110.
—. 1995a. E.F., ““That Great Puzzle in the History of Alexander”: Back
into “the Primal Pit of Historical Murk”,” [in:] Ch. Schubert (Hrsg.),
Rom und der griechischen Osten. Festschrift für Hatto H. Schmitt zum
65. Geburtstag, Stuttgart 1995, pp. 23-41.
—. 1996 . E.F., “On “wagons” and “shields”: Alexander’s crossing of
Mount Haemus,” AHB 10, pp. 119-130.
—. 1998 . E.F., “The Significance of the Greek Athletes at Memphis in