The Big Picture
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you as your conscious perceptions. Typically, what you experience as “now”
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corresponds to what was actually happening some tens or hundreds of mil-
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liseconds in the past.
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Estonian- Canadian psychologist Endel Tulving suggested the term
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chronesthesia, or “mental time travel.” One of Tulving’s contributions was
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the distinction between two different kinds of memory: semantic memory,
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which refers to general knowledge (Gettysburg was the site of an important
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battle in the American Civil War), and episodic memory, which captures
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our recollection of personal experiences (I visited Gettysburg when I was in
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high school). Mental time travel, Tulving suggested, is related to episodic
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memory: imagining the future is a similar conscious activity to recalling
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events in the past.
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Recent work in neuroscience has lent credence to this idea. Researchers
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have been able to use functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and
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positron emission tomography (PET) scans to pinpoint regions in the brain
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that are active while subjects are conducting various mental tasks. Interest-
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ingly, the tasks of “remember yourself in a particular situation in the past”
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and “imagine yourself in a particular hypothetical situation in the future”
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are seen to engage a very similar set of subsystems in the brain. Episodic
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memory and imagination engage the same neural machinery.
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Memories of past experiences, it turns out, are not like a video or film
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recording of an event, with individual sounds and images stored for each
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moment. What’s stored is more like a script. When we remember a past
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event, the brain pulls out the script and puts on a little performance of the
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sights and sounds and smells. Part of the brain stores the script, while oth-
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ers are responsible for the stage settings and props. This helps explain why
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memories can be completely false, yet utterly vivid and real- seeming to us—
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the brain can put on a convincing show from an incorrect script just as well
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as an accurate one. It also helps explain how our chronesthetic ability to
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imagine future events might have developed through natural selection.
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Evolution, always looking to work with existing materials, constructed our
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powers of imagination out of our existing capacity to remember the past.
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While a capacity for mental time travel is important for some aspects of
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consciousness, it certainly isn’t the whole story. Kent Cochrane was an am-
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nesiac, famous in the psychology literature as the patient “K. C.” When he
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was thirty years old, K. C. suffered a serious motorcycle accident. He sur-
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vived, but during surgery he lost parts of his brain, including the hippocam-
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pus, and his medial temporal lobes were severely damaged. Afterward, he
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retained his semantic memory but completely lost his episodic memory. His
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ability to form new memories was almost completely absent, much like the
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character of Leonard Shelby in the movie Memento. K. C. knew that he
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owned a particular car, but had no recollection of ever driving in it. His
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basic mental capacities were intact, and he had no trouble carrying on
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a conversation. He just couldn’t remember anything he had ever seen
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or done.
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There’s little question that K. C. was “conscious” in some sense. He
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was awake, aware, and knew who he was. But consistent with the connec-
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tion between memory and imagination, K. C. was completely unable to
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contemplate his own future. When asked about what would happen tomor-
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row or even later that day, he would simply report that it was blank. His
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personality underwent a significant change after the accident. He had, in
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some sense, become a different person.
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There is some evidence that episodic memory doesn’t develop in chil-
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dren until they are about four years old, around the time they also seem to
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develop the capacity for modeling the mental states of other people. At
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younger ages, for example, children can learn new things, but they have
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trouble associating new knowledge with any particular event; when quizzed
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about something they just learned, they will claim that they have always
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known it. Tulving has argued that true episodic memory, and the associated
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capacity for imagination and mental time travel, might be unique to hu-
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mans. It’s an intriguing hypothesis, but the current state of the art doesn’t
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let us say for sure. We know that rats, for example, after trying and failing
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to reach some food, will continue to think about how to reach it after the
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food has been removed, which might be interpreted as a kind of planning.
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Their mental activity involves the hippocampus, which is associated with
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episodic memory in humans. Our ability to imagine the future is incredibly
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detailed and rich, but it’s not hard to imagine how it might have evolved
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gradually over the span of many generations.
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There’s so much we don’t know about the development of consciousness, it’s
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easy to be dubious of any particular theory. Was crawling out of the water
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and onto land a pivotal step along the way, as Malcolm MacIver suggests,
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or is that just another fish story?
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We should be skeptical; that’s our job. There are aquatic animals that
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seem to be much smarter than your average goldfish. Whales and dolphins,
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of course, but those are mammals that descended from land animals— so
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their intelligence actually provides evidence for the hypothesis, not against
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it. Octopuses are quite intelligent by many standards. T
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brains of any invertebrate (animals without spinal cords), although still
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only about one- thousandth the number of neurons that a human has. An
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octopus might not be able to do crossword puzzles, but it can solve certain
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simple challenges, such as opening a jar to get at food that’s inside.
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MacIver notes that octopuses, while underwater creatures, seem to max-
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imize the extent of their sensory capacities. They have very large eyes, and
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tend to remain still while executing complex tasks. It’s dangerous being an
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octopus; from the point of view of a predatory sea- dweller, you are a vulner-
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able bag of delicious nutrients. To survive, they have had to develop innova-
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tive defensive strategies, camouflaging themselves by changing skin color
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and emitting clouds of ink when forced to flee. Intelligence is a part of that
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defensive arsenal; an octopus will hide among rocks and coral when it
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sleeps, often arranging pieces so as to better shield itself from view. Perhaps
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the evolutionary pressure that led to large octopus brains was of a com-
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pletely different type from that which led to land- dwelling animals.
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Whatever the importance of climbing onto land might have been, it did
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not lead immediately to animals that could write sonnets and prove math-
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ematical theorems. Four hundred million years is a long time. The evolution
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of consciousness as we now know it took many steps. Chimpanzees can
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think and execute a plan, such as building a structure in order to get to a
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banana that is out of reach. That’s a kind of imaginative thought, though
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certainly not the whole story.
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We can conceive of many moments in the evolutionary history of con-
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sciousness ultimately leading to the exquisite complexity of our current
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mental capacities. As the reducibly complex mousetrap reminds us, we
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shouldn’t let the intimidating sophistication of the final product trick us
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into thinking that it couldn’t have come about via numerous small steps.
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The Babbling Brain
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t’s an image familiar from countless TV hospital dramas: the patient
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lying on their back, head placed inside an intimidating- looking medi-
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cal apparatus meant to peer inside their brain. Most often it will be an
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MRI machine, which will produce beautiful images of brain activity by
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tracking the flow of blood. In my case it was an MEG machine: magneto-
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encephalography. By measuring the appearance of magnetic fields just out-
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side my skull, this beast was going to test whether or not I had a brain, and
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whether my brain could indeed have thoughts.
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I passed. I like to think the outcome wasn’t really in doubt, but it’s good
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to have these things verified by science.
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My brain scan was carried out by neuroscientist David Poeppel in his lab
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at New York University. Unlike fMRI, which makes beautiful pictures but
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doesn’t have great time resolution, MEG isn’t very good at telling you where
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processes are located in the brain, but it can distinguish when they happen
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down to a few milliseconds.
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That’s important, because our brains are intricately connected multi-
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level systems that take time to do their work. Individual neural events hap-
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pen several times per millisecond, but it takes tens of milliseconds for
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several of them to accumulate to sufficient strength for your brain to sit up
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and say, “Hey! Something’s happening!”— a conscious perception.
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In the brain, most of the hard work of thinking is done by the neurons.
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They are joined by glial cells, which help support and protect the neurons.
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Glial cells may play a role in how neurons talk to one another, but the
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Isofield Contour Map
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Sink Source
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A map of the magnetic fields just outside my brain, generated by listening to
a beeping sound. (Courtesy of David Poeppel lab, New York University)
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information- carrying signals in the brain are carried by the neurons. A
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typical neuron will come equipped with two types of appendages: a large
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number of dendrites, which receive signals from outside, and (usually just
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one) axon, down which signals are sent. The body of a neuron is less than a
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tenth of a millimeter across, but axons can range from one millimeter all
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the way up to a full meter long. When a neuron wants to send a signal, it
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“fires” by pumping an electrochemical signal down its axon. That signal is
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received by other neurons at connection points known as synapses. Most
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synapses consist of a dendrite connecting to an axon, but the brain is a
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messy place, so various other kinds of connections are possible.
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So neurons talk to each other by squirting electrically charged mole-
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cules from the axon of one to a dendrite on another. As any physicist will
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tell you, charged particles in motion generate magnetic fields. When ar />
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thought happens in my brain, this corresponds to charged particles hop-
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ping between neurons, creating a faint magnetic field that extends just a bit
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outside my skull. By detecting these magnetic fields, an MEG machine can
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pinpoint exactly when my neurons do their firing.
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Poeppel and his colleagues are using this technique to study perception,
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cognition, and the workings of language in the brain. Sitting there in the
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MEG, I listened to various meaningless beeps and boops, and the techni-
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cian was able to track how long it took before I consciously perceived the
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auditory signal as a sound— tens of milliseconds, in a cascade of interre-
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lated cortical responses.
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I was most impressed by something much more prosaic— these probes
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attached to my skull could sense me thinking. What we call a “thought” cor-
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responds directly and unmistakably to the motion of certain charged par-
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ticles inside my head. That’s an amazing, humbling fact about how the
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universe works. What would Descartes and Princess Elisabeth have thought?
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Very few people today would deny that thinking is somehow related to
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what goes on in the brain. The divide is between those who believe that
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“thinking” is just a way of talking about the physical processes in the brain
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like the ones my MEG detected, and those who believe that we need to add
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some additional ingredients over and above the physical. It’s worth doing a
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little thinking of our own about how brains actually work, to help under-
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stand why the physical picture is so compelling.
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The brain is a network of interconnected neurons. We talked briefly in
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chapter 28 about how complex structures can arise by gradual agglomera-
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tion of smaller units into ever- larger ones, preserving the existence of inter-
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esting structure on all scales. The brain is a great example.
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The conventional view of what happens in the brain is that it’s not
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the neurons themselves that encode information but the way they are
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connected to one another. Every neuron is connected to some other neu-
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rons, and not to others; that’s what defines the network structure of the
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brain, known as its connectome.