The Yoga Tradition

by Georg Feuerstein

  It is the purusha that is the goal of the yogin’s psychospiritual work. But that sacred work, or self-trans- formative alchemy, begins very humbly with the control of the outward-going tendency of the mind. This is clear from the definition of Yoga furnished in the second chapter of this scripture, which appears to be a self- contained unit:

  This they consider to be Yoga: the steady holding (dhâranâ) of the senses. Then one becomes attentive (apramatta); for, Yoga can be acquired and lost. (2.3.11)

  In other words, Yoga means the condition of inner stability or equilibrium that depends on one’s fixity of attention. When the mind is stabilized, then one can begin to discover the wonders of the inner world, the vast horizons of consciousness. But, ultimately, as we have seen, even this exploration of inner space does not lead to liberation. It is merely a precondition for the event of grace—when the light of the transcendental Self shines through into the finite body-mind.

  The teachings of the Kathâ-Upanishad represent an important breakthrough in the tradition of Yoga. In beautiful poetic form, we find expressed some of the fundamental ideas underlying all yogic practice. Better than any other scripture, this work marks the transition between the post-Vedic esotericism of the earliest Upanishads and the Pre-Classical Yoga of the Epic Age. With this work, Yoga became a recognizable tradition in its own right.

  The Shvetâshvatara-Upanishad

  The metric Shvetâshvatara-Upanishad, which is appraised to be one of the more beautiful creations of this genre, is generally placed in the third or fourth century B.C.E., which seems too late. In style and content it is similar to the Bhagavad-Gîtâ, which belongs to the time of the Buddha. It presumably gets its mysterious name from the sage who composed it. The compound shvetâshvatara consists of shveta (white”), ashva (“horse”), and the comparative tara, and it means literally “whiter horse.” According to Shankara, who wrote a learned commentary on this scripture in the early ninth (or eighth) century C.E., this is not the name but the title of a sage. He explained that ashva also has an esoteric significance and that in initiatic circles the term refers to the senses. Thus, the title shveta-ashva-tara is given to someone whose senses are completely purified and under control.

  Ordinarily we are at the mercy of our senses. We make this discovery quickly when we learn to meditate. At first, every sound or movement interferes with our concentration, and almost against our will we follow after every sensation that enters into our awareness. Only very gradually do we learn to disregard the input from our senses. Then we still have the overactive mind to deal with, which constantly generates thoughts. The schools of Pre-Classical Yoga and Sâmkhya regard the mind (manas) as a sixth sensory instrument or capacity (indriya). In effect, it is the relay station of the senses, where the input from the five sense organs is gathered and then forwarded to the higher mind, called buddhi, for further processing.

  The anonymous author of the Shvetâshvatara- Upanishad was manifestly an adept of sensory inhibition and meditation. In his work, which is clearly informed by rich yogic experience, he expounds a Yoga that is characteristic of the panentheistic teachings of the Epic Age. The Greek-derived term “panentheism” refers to the metaphysics that sees all (pan) of Nature as arising in (en) the Divine (theos). In distinction to this, the better-known term “pantheism” denotes the philosophical position that simply equates Nature with God. That metaphysical equation is implicitly rejected by the sage composer of the Shvetâshvatara-Upanishad, who hails the Lord (isha, îshvara) as dwelling eternally above his own creation.

  Following the Yoga of meditation (dhyâna), they perceived the self-power (âtma-shakti) of God (deva) hidden by His own qualities. He is the One who presides over all the causes connected with time and the [individuated] self (âtman). (1.3)

  The Lord (îsha) supports this universe, composed of the perishable and the imperishable, the manifest and the unmanifest. The [individuated] self, [which is] not the Lord, is bound by [its wrong notion of] being the enjoyer. But on knowing God, it is released from all fetters. (1.8)

  The foundation (pradhâna) [i.e., Nature] is perishable. Hara [i.e., God Shiva] is immortal and imperishable. The one God rules over the perishable [Nature] and the [individuated] selves. By meditating on Him, by uniting with and becoming the Real (tattva), there is finally the cessation of all trickery (mâyâ). (1.10)

  By knowing God, the falling away of all fetters [is accomplished]. Upon the waning of the afflictions (klesha) [i.e., spiritual ignorance and its products], the falling away of birth and death [is likewise accomplished].

  By meditating on Him, there is a third [state], universal lordship, upon separating from the body. [Thus, the yogin becomes] the solitary (kevâla) [Self], whose desires are satisfied. (1.11)

  The Shvetâshvatara-Upanishad recommends meditation by means of the recitation of the sacred syllable om, called the prânava. The meditative process is described as a kind of churning by which the inner fire is kindled, leading to the revelation of the Self’s splendor. The instructions imply knowledge of breath control (pranâyâma). On a more elementary level, advice is given about correct meditation posture, which should be straight, undoubtedly in order to allow the free circulation of the bodily energies. When the vital forces (prâna) in the body have quieted down, conscious breathing should begin as a prelude to mental concentration. This scripture even pays attention to the right environmental conditions, recommending that one should engage in Yoga practice in quiet caves and other pure places.

  When the mind is stilled, all kinds of internal visions can appear, which must not be confused with God-realization. Among the first signs of successful Yoga practice are said (2.13) to be lightness, health, steadiness, clearness of complexion, pleasantness of voice, agreeable odor, and scanty excretions. This suggests, as the text claims (2.12), the transmutation of the body into a body “fashioned out of the fire of Yoga” (yoga-agni-mayam sharîram). But the supreme goal of this Yoga is not any mystical vision but the realization of the transcendental Self, which releases one from all fetters. That realization is not a mere visionary state. It is not even an experience, for experience presupposes an experiencing subject and an experienced object. Rather, enlightenment or liberation is that condition of being in which the gulf between subject (mind) and object (matter) no longer exists. It is the immortal state. The Shvetâshvatara- Upanishad records the following confession of its author:

  I know that great Self (purusha) who is effulgent like the sun beyond darkness. Realizing Him alone, one passes beyond death. There is no other way for passing [beyond the cycle of repeated births and deaths]. (3.8)

  The great Being whom the wise author honors is Shiva. As on the path outlined in the Bhagavad-Gîtâ, where Vishnu is celebrated as the Lord of all, the yogin is not merely a dry ascetic but a devotee (bhakta), and the process of spiritual maturation and ultimate liberation is not a mechanical event but a mystery dependent on divine grace (prasâda). Perhaps the Shvetâshvatara-Upanishad was for the early Shiva worshipers what the Bhagavad-Gîtâ was and still is for the Vaishnava community—a sacred work of adoration of the Divine, edification of the heart, and instruction in the art of spiritual practice.

  The ancient Upanishadic sages were not alone in their mystical intuitions. The era they lived in was a time of great cultural ferment, in which the warrior estate had an important part in the dissemination of wisdom. The Upanishadic sages simply gave expression to a widespread impetus for metaphysical thought and mystical experience within post-Vedic society. There were many other non-Vedic thinkers and visionaries, as well as mystics and seers who had either broken away from the Vedic mainstream more severely than the Upanishadic sages or had never been part of it. Among these radicals were Vardhamâna Mahâvîra and Gautama the Buddha. Their “heretical” teachings form the substance of the next two chapters.

  “When the monk understands that he is alone … in the same way he should understand that the Self is likewise alone.”

  —câra-Anga-
Sûtra1 1.8.6.1

  I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

  The preceding chapters have outlined the gradual evolution of Hindu spirituality from the time of the Vedas to the emergence of the secret teachings of the first Upanishads. With this chapter, we interrupt our historical survey of early yogic psychotechnology within the fold of Hinduism. Here we will briefly consider a rival teaching—the great religio-spiritual tradition of Jainism.

  Unlike Buddhism, Jainism has generally been looked upon by the Hindus as an offshoot of Hinduism, even a Hindu sect, rather than an independent competing tradition. There are in fact numerous parallels between the two traditions, but the fact that the Jainas form a nonthreatening minority group of little more than three million people also is significant. Of course, there also have been dark moments in the history of the interrelation between Jainas and Hindus, when the latter failed to practice the tolerance for which they are known.

  Together with Hinduism and Buddhism, Jainism is one of the three major socioreligious movements to which India’s spiritual genius has given birth. If we associate Hinduism with a breathtaking nondualist metaphysics and Buddhism with a stringent analytical approach to spiritual life, we find that Jainism excels in its rigorous observance of moral precepts, especially nonviolence (ahimsâ). It was this lofty ideal, in conjunction with an extensive teaching about the causal force (karma) associated with human behavior, that has exerted a lasting influence on the tradition of Yoga.

  Jainism has preserved an archaic type of spirituality based on the practice of penance (tapas) combined with an emphasis on renunciation and a very strict code of ethics for both monks and lay followers. The ancient Jaina teachers, like the Upanishadic sages, knew of the value of the internalized ritual. In the Uttara-Adhyâyana-Sûtra (12.44), Harikesha explains that his austerity is his sacrificial fire and that his mental and physical exertions are his ladle for the oblation. The Jaina teachers of the post-Christian era adopted many ideas and practices from Hindu Yoga, particularly as formulated by Patanjali in the second century c.E.

  Vardhâmana Mahâvîra

  Jainism was founded by Vardhâmana Mahâvîra, an older contemporary of Gautama the Buddha, who lived in the sixth century B.C.E., when Xenophanes, Parmenides, and Zeno taught in Greece. Vardhâmana acknowledged the existence of, and his indebtedness to, previous teachers, who are known as tîrthankaras (“ford-makers”) and jinas (“victors” or “conquerors”), because they have overcome the self. In fact, Jainism celebrates Vardhâmana as the twenty-fourth (and last) ford-maker, the first being the legendary Rishabha.

  According to the traditional Jaina sources, Rishabha is said to have lived for 8.4 million years—the number 84 symbolizing completion. It is quite possible that Rishabha was a historical personage who enjoyed a long life span, though nothing is known about him apart from the later legends. There are several references to a certain seer Rishabha, son of Virat, in the Rig-Veda and the Taittirîya-ranyaka, but there is no conclusive proof for assuming that the two were identical with the Jaina teacher of that name. It is noteworthy, however, that in the Jaina literature Rishabha is also called Keshin or “Long-hair.” This possibly establishes a connection between him and such early non-Vedic religious circles as the Vrâtya brotherhoods. Also of interest is the fact that in the medieval Bhâgavata-Purâna, the stories given about the Hindu sage Rishabha match those in the Jaina literature, as well as the fact that while the authors of this Purâna were respectful of Rishabha, they had few good words for his followers.2

  Another legendary ford-maker, the twenty-second in line, is Arishtanemi or Neminâtha, whom Jaina tradition makes a contemporary of Krishna, the disciple of Ghora Angirasa mentioned in the Chândogya- Upanishad. While this connection may be completely spurious, it suggests that the earliest beginnings of Jainism are to be found outside the orthodox Vedic ritualism in the culture of ascetics, known as shramanas.

  The life and work of the twenty-third ford-maker, Pârshva, is similarly obscured by the largely mythological accounts in the traditional literature. It is probable that he belonged, like Vardhâmâna Mahâvîra, to a well-to-do warrior family, perhaps resident in Varanasi (Benares or Kâshî). It is certain that his teaching was immensely influential in the region of Bihar and beyond. One of Parshva’s most renowned disciples, who converted the king of Seyavîya, was a certain Keshin.

  Mahâvîra (“Great Hero”) grew up under the influence of Pârshva’s tradition, but did not know the man himself, who appears to have lived in the seventh century B.C.E. Mahâvîra gave Jainism its distinct shape, reforming the tradition of Pârshva. He is said to have been born at Kundagrama near Vaishâlî (modern Besarh) to the north of Patna, as a member of the Naya (Jnâtâ) clan of the Licchavi tribe. His father was a local ruler. According to some traditions, Vardhamâna was married at a young age. Most authorities are agreed that he left his worldly life behind at the age of thirty to pursue a course of rigorous austerities, which included prolonged waterless fasting, as it is still practiced in the Jaina community today.

  Twelve years after setting out on his spiritual journey, he attained enlightenment. At once he started to preach the truth he had discovered for himself. He was a charismatic figure whose detachment and single-minded dedication to a self-transcending life inspired and awed many people. If his exemplary life and teaching did not make more of an impact both during his life and subsequently, it is because Jainism demands a rare degree of renunciation and self-control that holds no appeal for the masses. Vardhamâna Mahâvîra died in 527 B.C.E. at the age of seventy-two, leaving behind a small community of monks, nuns, and lay folk, numbering about 14,000 members. Today the relatively small community of Jainas include circa 2,500 monks and 5,000 nuns.

  Unlike Pârshva, Mahâvîra is remembered to have walked about naked, thus declaring his uncompromising asceticism. We have encountered this practice already in connection with the long-haired ascetics of the Vedic times who, as the Rig-Veda (10.136) has it, were “air-clad.” The issue of nudity was in fact one of the principal reasons for the split of the Jaina community into two sects, which occurred about 300 B.C.E. Whereas the Digambaras (“Space-clothed”) to this day announce their renunciation of everything by going about naked, the Shvetâmbaras (“White-clothed”) have opted for a more symbolic form of renunciation. For the latter, the presence or absence of garments does not make a spiritual victor. But even the Digambaras do not permit their nuns to walk about in the nude. More than that, they deny that a woman can attain emancipation without first being reborn in a male body. By contrast, the Shvetâmbaras venerate a woman ford-maker, Malli, who was nineteenth in succession. There is one early sculpture of a nude female ascetic, which is generally held to be Malli.

  When Alexander the Great invaded northern India in 327-326 B.C.E., his chroniclers reported the existence of gymnosophistes, or naked philosophers. Some thirteen hundred years later, the Moslem hegemonists put a stop to this practice, at least for a period of time. Naked ascetics, besmeared with ashes, can still be seen in India today. But it is not this curious custom for which Jainism should be noted. Rather, the lasting contribution of this minority religion lies in its minute examination of what constitutes a truly moral life.

  II. THE SACRED LITERATURE OF JAINISM

  The history and literature of Jainism has been thus far very inadequately researched. Until recently, Western indological scholarship was curiously neglectful of Jainism, considering it a comparatively irrelevant development. Fortunately, this attitude is changing, as more information about Jainism is made available.3

  Part of the difficulty has been that the authenticity of the Jaina canon is doubted by sections of the Jaina community itself. Thus, at the Council of Pataliputra (modern Patna) in 300 B.C.E., an attempt was made to determine the content of the fourteen Pûrvas (“Earlier [Teachings]”), which had until then been orally transmitted. Already at that time a faction of the community did not accept the resulting redaction. By the time the canon was actually written down, pre
sumably in the middle of the fifth century C.E., a large portion of the original teachings of Vardhamâna and his predecessors had been irretrievably lost. The Digambaras actually deny that any of the early canonical works have survived.

  According to the Shvetâmbaras, the Jaina canon consists of forty-five works in all. Because knowledge about this formidable literature is not readily available, it seems appropriate to provide at least skeletal information here:

  1-12. The twelve Angas (“Limbs”), which are composed in an archaic Prakrit dialect that was once spoken by the ordinary people of Mâgadha. They are individually listed below.

  13-24. The twelve Upângas (“Secondary Limbs,” from upa and anga), which deal with cosmological, cosmographical, astronomical, and hagiological themes. Noteworthy among these scriptures is the Râja-Prashnîya- Sûtra, which records the dialogue between Sage Keshin and Prasenajit (Prakrit: Paesi), ruler of Seyavîya, in which Keshin tries to prove that the Spirit is independent of the physical body.

  25-28. The four Mûla-Sûtras (“Fundamental Sûtras”), which are primers for ascetics.

  29-38. The ten Prakîrnas (“Mixed [Scriptures]”), which contain instructions about a variety of subjects, such as prayer, conscious dying, astrology, and medicine.

  39-45. The seven Cheda-Sûtras (“Cutting Sûtras”), which deal with monastic rules.

  To these must be added the Nandi-Sûtra (“Auspicious Sûtra”), which is a text on scriptural interpretation, and the Anuyoga-Dvâra-Sûtra (“Door of Disquisition Sûtra”), which is concerned with the nature of knowledge. They provide a scholastic context for the canon.

  The twelve Angas, listed by their Sanskrit titles, are:

  câra (Prakrit: yâr, “Conduct”), containing important rules for Jaina monks and nuns and preserving a sacred account of Mahâvîra’s life as a wandering mendicant;