Matilda Montgomerie; Or, The Prophecy Fulfilled

by Major Richardson

  CHAPTER VI.

  "What a truly noble looking being!" observed Major Montgomerie, as hefollowed with his eye the receding form of the athletic but gracefulTecumseh. "Do you know, Colonel D'Egville, I could almost forgive yournephew his success of this morning, in consideration of the pleasure hehas procured me in this meeting."

  Colonel D'Egville looked the gratification he felt at the avowal. "I amdelighted, Major Montgomerie, to hear you say so. My only fear was that,in making those chieftains my guests at the same moment with yourselfand niece, I might have unconsciously appeared to slight, where slightwas certainly not intended. You must be aware, however, of the rank heldby them among their respective nations, and of their consequent claimupon the attention of one to whom the Indian interests have beendelegated."

  "My dear sir," interrupted the Major, eager to disclaim, "I trust youhave not mistaken me so far, as to have imputed a reserve of speech andmanner during dinner, to which I cannot but plead guilty, to afastidiousness which, situated as I am, (and he bowed to the general andcommodore,) would have been wholly misplaced. My distraction, pardonableperhaps under all the circumstances, was produced entirely by arecurrence to certain inconveniences which I felt might arise to me frommy imprisonment. The captive bird," he pursued, while a smile for thefirst time animated his very fine countenance, "will pine within itscage, however gilded the wires which compose it. In every sense, myexperience of to-day only leads me to the expression of a hope, that allwhom the chances of war may throw into a similar position, may meet witha similar reception."

  "Since," observed the General, "your private affairs are of theimportance you express, Major Montgomerie, you shall depart with yourniece. Perhaps I am rather exceeding my powers in this respect, but,however this may be, I shall take the responsibility on myself. You willhold yourself pledged, of course, to take no part against us in theforthcoming struggle, until you have been regularly exchanged forwhatever officer of your own rank, may happen to fall into the hands ofyour countrymen. I shall dispatch an express to the Commander in-Chief,to intimate this fact, requesting at the same time, that your name maybe put down in the first list for exchange."

  Major Montgomerie warmly thanked the General for his kind offer, ofwhich he said he should be glad to avail himself, as he did not like theidea of his niece proceeding without him to Detroit, where she was anentire stranger. This, he admitted, determined as she had appeared tobe, was one of the unpleasant subjects of his reflection during dinner.

  With a view of turning the conversation, and anxious moreover, to obtainevery information on the subject, the general now inquired in whatestimation Tecumseh was generally held in the United States.

  "Among the more intelligent classes of our citizens, in the highestpossible," was the reply; "but by those who are not so capable ofjudging, and who only see, in the indomitable courage and elevatedtalents of the patriot hero, the stubborn inflexibility of the meresavage, he is looked upon far less flatteringly. By all, however, is headmitted to be formidable without parallel, in the history of Indianwarfare. His deeds are familiar to all, and his name is much such abugbear to American childhood, as Marlborough's was in France, andNapoleon's is in England. It is a source of much regret to ourGovernment never to have been enabled to conciliate this extraordinaryman."

  "What more feasible," remarked the General, but with a tone and mannerthat could not possibly give offence; "had not the difficulty been ofits own creation? Treaty after treaty, you must admit, major, had beenmade and violated under various pretexts, while the real motive--theaggrandizement of territories already embracing a vast portion of theirearly possessions--was carefully sought to be concealed from theseunfortunate people. How was it to be expected then that a man, whom thenecessities of his country had raised up to itself in the twofoldcharacter of statesman and warrior--one gifted with a power of analyzingmotives which has never been surpassed in savage life--how, I ask, wasit to be expected that he, with all these injuries of aggressionstaring him in the face, should have been won over by a show ofconciliation, which long experience, independently of his maturedjudgment, must have assured him was only held forth to hoodwink, untilfitting opportunity should be found for again throwing off the mask."

  "To the charge of violating treaties," returned Major Montgomerie, whotook the opposite argument in perfectly good part, "I fear, general, ourGovernment must to a certain extent plead guilty--much, however, remainsto be said in excuse. In the first place, it must be borne in mind thatthe territory of the United States, unlike the kingdom of Europe, has nofixed or settled boundary whereby to determine its own relative bearing.True it is, that we have the Canadas on one portion of our frontier, butthis being a fixed line of demarcation, there can exist no question asto a mutual knowledge of the territorial claims of both countries.Unlike that of the old world, however our population is rapidlyprogressing, and where are we to find an outlet for the surplus of thatpopulation unless, unwilling as we are to come into collision with ourmore civilized neighbors, we can push them forward into the interior. Inalmost all the contracts entered into by our Government with theIndians, large sums have been given for the lands ceded by the latter.This was at once, of course, a tacit and mutual revocation of anyantecedent arrangements, and if instances have occurred wherein thesacredness of treaty has been violated, it has only been where theIndians have refused to part with their lands for the profferedconsideration, and when those lands have been absolutely indispensableto our agricultural purposes. Then indeed has it been found necessary toresort to force. That this principle of "might being the right," may becondemned _in limine_ it is true, but how otherwise, with asuperabundant population, can we possibly act?"

  "A superabundance of territory, I grant you, but surely not ofpopulation," remarked the commodore; "were the citizens of the UnitedStates condensed into the space allotted to Europeans, you might safelydispense with half the Union at this moment."

  "And what advantages should we then derive from the possession of nearlya whole continent to ourselves?"

  "Every advantage that may be reaped consistently with common justice.What would be thought in Europe, if, for instance to illustrate a point,and assuming these two countries to be in a state of profound peace,Spain, on the principle of might, should push her surplus populationinto Portugal, compelling the latter kingdom to retire back on herself,and crowd her own subjects into the few provinces that might yet be leftto them."

  "I cannot admit the justice of your remark, commodore," returned MajorMontgomerie, gradually warming into animation; "Both are civilizedpowers, holding the same rank and filling nearly the same scale amongthe nations of Europe. Moreover, there does not exist the samedifference in the natural man. The uneducated negro is, from infancy andlong custom, doomed to slavery, wherefore should the copper coloredIndian be more free? But my argument points not at their subjection. Iwould merely show that, incapable of benefitting by the advantages ofthe soil they inherit, they should learn to yield it with a good graceto those who can. Their wants are few, and interminable woods yet remainto them, in which their hunting pursuits may be indulged without a fearof interruption."

  "That it will be long," observed the General, "before, in so vast acontinent, they will be without a final resting place, I readily admit;but the hardship consists in this--that they are driven from particularpositions to which their early associations lend a preference. What wasit that stirred into a flame, the fierce hostility of Tecumseh but thedetermination evinced by your Government to wrest, from the hands of histribe, their last remaining favorite haunts on the Wabash?"

  "This cannot be denied, but it was utterly impossible we could foregothe possession of countries bordering so immediately on our settlements.Had we pushed our colonization further, leaving the tribes of the Wabashin intermediate occupation, we ran the risk of having our settlers cutoff in detail, at the slightest assumed provocation. Nay, pretexts wouldhave been sought for the purpose, and the result of this would have beenthe very war into
which we were unavoidably led. The only differencewas, that, instead of taking up arms to avenge our slaughtered kinsmen,we anticipated the period that must sooner or later have arrived, byridding ourselves of the presence of those from whose hostility we hadeverything to apprehend."

  "The expediency of these measures," said the General, "no one, Major,can of course doubt; the only question at issue is their justice, and inmaking this remark it must be obvious there is no particular allusion tothe United States, further than that country serves to illustrate ageneral principle. I am merely arguing against the right of a strongpower to wrest from a weaker what may be essential to its own interest,without reference to the comfort, or wishes, or convenience of thelatter."

  "In such light assuredly do I take it," observed Major Montgomerie,bowing his sense of the disclaimer. "But to prove to you, general, thatwe are only following in the course pursued by every other people of theworld, let us, without going back to the days of barbarism, when theseveral kingdoms of Europe were overrun by the strongest, and when yourown country in particular became in turn the prey of Saxons, Danes,Normans, &c., merely glance our eyes upon those provinces which havebeen subjugated by more civilized Europe. Look at South America, forinstance, and then say what we have done that has not been far exceededby the Spaniards, in that portion of the hemisphere--and yet, with thisvast difference in the balance, that there the European drove before himand mercilessly destroyed an unoffending race, while we, on thecontrary, have had fierce hostility and treachery everywhere opposed toour progress. The Spaniards, moreover, offered no equivalent for thecountry subdued; now we have ever done so, and only where thatequivalent has been rejected, have we found ourselves compelled toresort to force. Look again at the islands of the West Indies, the chiefof which are conquests by England. Where are the people to whomProvidence had originally assigned those countries, until the European,in his thirst for aggrandizement, on that very principle of might whichyou condemn, tore them violently away. Gone, extirpated, until scarce avestige of their existence remains, even as it must be, in the course oftime, with the Indians of these wilds--perhaps not in this century orthe next, but soon or late assuredly. These two people--the SouthAmericans and Caribs--I particularly instance, for the very reason thatthey offer the most striking parallel with the immediate subject underdiscussion. But shall I go further than this, gentlemen, and maintainthat we, the United States, are only following in the course originallypointed out to us by England."

  "I should be glad to hear your argument," said the Commodore, drawinghis chair closer to the table.

  "And I," added the General, "consider the position too novel not to feelinterested in the manner in which it will be maintained."

  "I will not exactly say," observed Colonel D'Egville, smiling one of hisblandest smiles, and few men understood the winning art better thanhimself, "that Major Montgomerie has the happy talent of making theworse appear the better cause; but certainly, I never remember to haveheard that cause more ably advocated."

  "More subtly perhaps you would say, Colonel; but seriously, I speak fromconviction alone. It is true, as a citizen of the United States, andtherefore one interested in the fair fame of its public acts, thatconviction may partake in some degree of partial influences; still it issincere. But to my argument. What I would maintain is, as I have beforestated, that in all we have done we have only followed the example ofEngland. For instance, when the colonisation of the Eastern and Southernstates of the Union took place, that is to say, when our commonancestors first settled in this country, how was their object effected?Why, by driving from their possessions near the sea, in order to makeroom for themselves, those very nations whom we are accused of a desireto exterminate, as if out of a mere spirit of wantonness. Did eitherEnglish or Dutch then hesitate as to what course _they_ should pursue,or suffer any qualms of conscience to interfere with their colonialplans? No; as a measure of policy--as a means of security--they soughtto conciliate the Indians, but not the less determined were they toattain their end. Who, then, among Englishmen, would have thought ofblaming their fellow countrymen, when the object in view was theaggrandizement of the national power, and the furtherance of individualinterests? While the colonists continued tributary to England they coulddo no wrong--they incurred no censure. Each succeeding year saw them,with a spirit that was _then_ deemed worthy of commendation, pushingtheir advantages and extending their possessions, to the utter exclusionand at the expense of the original possessors of the soil. For this theyincurred no blame. But mark the change: no sooner had the war of therevolution terminated in our emancipation from the leading strings ofchildhood--no sooner had we taken rank among the acknowledged nations ofthe world--no sooner had we, in a word, started into existence as anoriginal people--than the course we had undeviatingly pursued ininfancy, and from which we did not dream of swerving in manhood, becamea subject for unqualified censure. What had been considered laudableenterprise in the English colonist, became unpardonable ambition in theAmerican republican; and acts affecting the national prosperity, thatcarried with them the approbation of society and good government duringour nonage, were stigmatized as odious and grasping the moment we hadattained our majority."

  "Most ably and eloquently argued, Major," interrupted the general, "andI fear with rather more truth than we Englishmen are quite willing toacknowledge: still it must be admitted, that what in the first instancewas a necessity, partook no longer of that character at a later period.In order to colonize the country originally, it was necessary to selectsuch portions as were, by their proximity to the sea, indispensable tothe perfection of the plan. If the English colonists drove the Indiansinto the interior, it was only for a period. They had still vast tractsto traverse, which have since, figuratively speaking, been reduced to amere span: and their very sense of the difference of the motive--that isto say, of the difference between him who merely seeks whereon to erecthis dwelling, and him who is anxious to usurp to himself the possessionof an almost illimitable territory--cannot be better expressed than bythe different degrees of enmity manifested against the two severalpeople. When did the fierceness of Indian hatred blaze forth against theEnglish colonists, who were limited in their views, as it has sinceagainst the subjects of the United States, who, since the Revolution,have more than tripled their territorial acquisitions?"

  "Nay, general," replied the American, his lip partially curling with asmile, indicating consciousness of triumphant argument; "I shall defeatyou on your own ground, and that by going back to a period anterior tothe revolution--to the very period you describe as being characterisedby less intense hostility to your own government."

  "What, for instance, have we seen in modern times, to equal the famousIndian league, which, under the direction of the celebrated Pontiac, achieftain only surpassed by Tecumseh, consigned so many of the Europeanposts to destruction, along this very line of district, about the middleof the last century. It has been held up as a reproach to us, that wehave principally subjected ourselves to the rancorous enmity of theIndians, in consequence of having wrested from them their favorite andbeautiful hunting grounds, (Kentucky in particular,) to which theirearly associations had linked them. But to this I answer, that inPontiac's time this country was still their own, as well as Ohio,Louisiana, Indiana, &c., and yet the war of fierce extermination was notthe less waged towards the English; not because these latter hadappropriated their principal haunts, but because they had driven themfrom their original possessions near the sea. The hatred of the Indianshas ever been the same towards those who first secured a footing ontheir continent, and, although we are a distinct people in the eyes ofthe civilized world, still we are the same in those of the natives, whosee in us, not the emancipated American, but merely the descendant ofthe original colonist. That their hostility has progressed in proportionwith our extension of territory, I cannot altogether admit, for althoughour infant settlements have in a great degree suffered from occasionalirruptions of the savages, when men, women and children, have
alike beendevoted to the murderous tomahawk, in no way have our fortresses beensystematically assailed, as during the time of Pontiac."

  "For this," interrupted the general, "there are two obvious reasons. Inthe first instance, your fortresses are less isolated than ours were atthat period, and secondly, no such intelligent being as the chieftainyou have named, had started up among the Indian nations until now. WhatTecumseh may not effect in course of time, should he not perish in thestruggle for his country's liberty, ought to be a matter of seriousconsideration with your Government."

  "Of his great talents and dauntless determination they are fully aware,"replied the major; "but as I have already said, nothing short, notmerely of giving up all claim to future advantages, but of restoring thecountry wrested from him on the Wabash, can ever win him from hishostility; and this is a sacrifice the Government will never consent tomake."

  At this point of the argument, Messieurs Split-log, Round-head, andWalk-in-the-water, having finished their kinni-kinnick, and imbibed adue quantum of whiskey; possibly, moreover, not much entertained by theconversation that was carried on in a language neither of themunderstood but imperfectly, rose to take their leave. They successivelyshook hands with the British leaders, then advancing towards MajorMontgomerie, with a guttural "Ugh," so accentuated as to express goodwill and satisfaction, tendered their dark palms to that officer also,muttering as they did something about "good Chemocomon." They then withbecoming dignity withdrew, followed by Colonel D'Egville, who had risento conduct them to the door.

  The conversation, thus temporarily interrupted, was resumed on thatofficer's return.

  "Admitting the truth of your position, Major Montgomerie," remarked theCommodore, "that the Government of the United States is justified, bothby expediency and example, in the course it has pursued, it will not atleast be denied, that Tecumseh is, on the very same principle, borne outin the hatred and spirit of hostility evinced by him towards theoppressors of his country."

  "Granted," returned the Major, "but this point has no reference to myargument, which tends to maintain, that in all we have done, we havebeen justified by necessity and example."

  "The fact is, however, that this position of things is one unavoidablygrowing out of the clashing of adverse interests--the Indians beinganxious to check, we to extend, our dominion and power as a people; andthe causes existing now were in being nearly a century ago, and will, inall probability continue, until all vestige of Indian existence shallhave passed utterly away. When the French were in the occupancy of theCanadas, having nothing to gain from them, they cultivated the allianceand friendship of the several nations, and by fostering their fiercehostility against the English colonists, rendered them subservient totheir views. To-day the English stand precisely where the French did.Having little to expect from the Indians but assistance in a case ofneed, they behold, and have for years beheld, with anything butindifference, the struggle continued by the United States which wascommenced by themselves. I hope I shall not be understood as expressingmy own opinion, when I add, that in the United States, the same covertinfluence is attributed to the commanders of the British fortresses thatwas imputed to the French. Indeed it is a general belief, among thelower classes particularly, that, in all the wars undertaken against theAmerican out-posts and settlements, the Indians have been instigated tothe outrage by liberal distributions of money and presents from theBritish Government."

  "It will hardly be necessary to deny the justice of such an imputationto Major Montgomerie," remarked the General, with a smile, "especiallyafter having disavowed the opinion as his own. The charge is too absurdfor serious contradiction--yet we are not altogether ignorant that suchan impression has gone abroad."

  "Few of the more enlightened of our citizens give into the belief," saidthe Major; "still it will give me especial pleasure to have it in mypower to contradict the assertion from the lips of General Brockhimself."

  "That we have entered into a treaty of alliance with the Indians,"observed Colonel D'Egville, "is most certainly true; but it is analliance wholly defensive. I must further observe, that in whateverlight the policy of the Government of the United States in its relationswith the Indians, may be privately viewed, we are, under allcircumstances, the last people in the world who should condemn it asinjurious to our public interests, since it has been productive ofresults affecting the very existence of these provinces. Had theAmerican Government studied conciliation rather than extension ofterritory, it is difficult to say to what side the great body of theIndians would, in the impending struggle, have leaned. The possibilityof some such event as the present had not only been foreseen, butanticipated. It has long been obvious to us that the spirit ofacquisition manifested by the United States, would not confine itself toits customary channels; but on the contrary, that, not contented withthe appropriation of the hunting grounds of the Indians, it wouldfinally extend its views to Canada. Such a crisis has long been providedagainst. Presents, to a large amount, have certainly been distributedamong the Indians, and not only this, but every courtesy, consistent atonce with our dignity and our interest, has been shown to them. You haveseen, for instance," continued he with a smile, "my three friends whohave just left the room; they are not exactly the happiest specimens ofIndian grace, but they have great weight in the council, and are theleading men in the alliance to which you alluded, although not whollyfor the same purpose. In the wars of Pontiac--and these are still freshin the recollection of certain members of my own family--the Englishcommanders, with one or two exceptions, brought those disasters uponthemselves. Forgetting that the Indians were a proud people, whom toneglect was to stir into hatred, they treated them with indifference, ifnot with contempt; and dearly did they pay the penalty of their fault.As we all know, they, with only one exception, were destroyed. In theirfall expired the hostility they themselves had provoked, and time hadwholly obliterated the sense of injustice from the minds of the severalnations. Were we then, with these fearful examples yet fresh in ourrecollection, to fall into a similar error? No: a course of conciliationwas adopted, and has been pursued for years; and now do we reap thefruit of what, after all, is but an act of justifiable policy. In mycapacity of Superintendent of Indian affairs, Major Montgomerie, evenmore than as a Canadian brought up among them, I have had opportunitiesof studying the characters of the heads of the several nations. The mostbitter enmity animates the bosoms of all against the Government andpeople of the United States, from whom, according to their own showing,they have to record injury upon injury; whereas from us they havereceived but benefits. I repeat, this is at once politic and just. Whatcould Canada have hoped to accomplish in the approaching struggle, hadthe conduct of the American Government been such as to have neutralizedthe interest we had excited in and for ourselves? She must havesuccumbed; and my firm impression is, that at whatever epoch of herexistence, the United States may extend the hand of conquest over thesecolonies, with the Indian tribes that are now leagued with us crowdingto her own standard, not all the armies that England may choose to sendto their defence will be able to prevent it."

  "Filling the situation you now occupy, Colonel, there can be no doubtyou are in every way enabled to arrive at a full knowledge of Indianfeelings and Indian interests; and we have but too much reason to fear,that the strong hatred to the United States you describe as existing onthe part of their several leaders, has had a tendency to unite them morecordially to the British cause. But your course of observation suggestsanother question. Why is it that, with the knowledge possessed by theBritish Government of the cruel nature of Indian warfare, it can consentto enlist them as allies? To prevent their taking up arms against theCanadas may be well, but in my opinion, (and it is one generallyentertained through the United States,) the influence of the Britishauthorities should have been confined to neutralizing their services."

  "Nay, Major Montgomerie," observed the General, "it would indeed beexacting too much to require that we should offer ourselves unresistingvictims to your Govern
ment; and what but self-immolation would it be toabstain from the only means by which we can hope to save thesethreatened Provinces? Colonel D'Egville has just said that, with theIndians opposed to us, Canada would fall. I go farther, and aver that,without the aid of the Indians, circumstanced as England now is, Canadamust be lost to us. It is a painful alternative, I admit, for that awar, which is not carried on with the conventional courtesies ofcivilized belligerent nations, is little suited to our taste, you willdo us the justice to believe; but by whom have we been forced into thedilemma? Had we been guilty of rousing the Indian spirit against you,with a view to selfish advantage; or had we in any way connived at thedestruction of your settlements, from either dread or jealousy of yourtoo close proximity, then should we have deserved all the odium of suchconduct. But this we unequivocally deny.

  "I would ask you, on the other hand, if you are aware of the greatexertions made by your Government, to induce them to take an active partin this very war. If not, I can acquaint you that several of the chiefs,now here, have been strongly urged to declare against us; and, not verylong since, an important council was held among the several tribes,wherein some few, who had been won over by large bribes, discussed thepropriety of deserting the British cause, in consideration of advantageswhich were promised them by the United States. These of course wereoverruled by the majority, who expressed the utmost indignation at theproposal; but the attempt to secure their active services was not theless made. We certainly have every reason to congratulate ourselves onits failure."

  "This certainly partakes of the _argumentum ad hominem_," said theMajor, good humoredly; "I do confess, I am aware that, since the idea ofwar against England was first entertained, great efforts have been madeto attach the Indians to our interests; and in all probability, had anyother man than Tecumseh presided over their destinies, our Governmentwould have been successful. I however, for one, am no advocate for theiremployment on either side; for it must be admitted they are a terribleand a cruel enemy, sparing neither age nor sex."

  "Again, Major," returned the General, "do we shield ourselves under ourformer plea--that, as an assailed party, we have a right to availourselves of whatever means of defence are within our reach. One of twothings--either we must retain the Indians, who are bound to us in onecommon interest, or we must, by discarding them, quietly surrender theCanadas to your armies. Few will be Quixotic enough to hesitate as towhich of the alternatives we should adopt."

  "And if we should be accused of neglecting the means of preventingunnecessary cruelty," observed Colonel D'Egville, "the people of theUnited States will do us infinite wrong. This very circumstance has beenforeseen and provided against. Without the power to prevent the Indiansfrom entering upon these expeditions, we have at least done all thatexperience and a thorough knowledge of their character admits, torestrain their vengeance, by the promise of head money. It has been madegenerally known to them that every prisoner that is brought in anddelivered up shall entitle the captor to a certain sum. This promise, Ihave no doubt, will have the effect, not only of saving the lives ofthose who are attacked in their settlements, but also of checking anydisposition to unnecessary outrage in the hour of conflict."

  "The idea is one certainly reflecting credit on the humanity of theBritish authorities," returned Major Montgomerie; "but I confess I doubtits efficacy. We all know the nature of an Indian too well to hope thatin the career of his vengeance, or the full flush of victory, he willwaive his war trophy in consideration of a few dollars. The scalp he maybring, but seldom a living head with it."

  "It is, I fear, the horrid estimation in which the scalp is held, thattoo frequently whets the blades of these people," observed theCommodore. "Were it not considered a trophy, more lives would be spared;but an Indian, from all I can understand, takes greater pride inexhibiting the scalp of a slain enemy, than a knight of ancient timesdid in displaying in his helmet the glove that had been bestowed on himas a mark of favor by his lady-love."

  "After all," said the General, "necessary as it is to discourage it byevery possible mark of disapprobation, I do not see, in the mere act ofscalping, half the horrors usually attached to the practice. The motivemust be considered. It is not the mere desire to inflict wanton torturethat influences the warrior but an anxiety to possess himself of thatwhich gives undisputed evidence of his courage and success in war. Theprejudice of Europeans is strong against the custom, however, and welook upon it in a light very different, I am sure from that in which itis viewed by the Indians themselves. The burnings of prisoners, whichwere practised many years ago, no longer continue; and the infliction ofthe torture has passed away, so that, after all, Indian cruelty does notexceed that which is practised even at this day in Europe, and by anation bearing high rank among the Catholic powers of Europe. I havenumerous letters, recently received from officers of my acquaintance nowserving in Spain, all of which agree in stating that the mutilationsperpetrated by the Guerilla bands, on the bodies of such of theunfortunate French detachments as they succeeded in overpowering, farexceeded anything imputed to the Indians of America; and, as several ofthese letters are from individuals who joined the Peninsular Army fromthis country, in which they had passed many years, the statement may berelied on as coming from men who have had more than hearsay knowledge ofboth parties."

  Here a tall, fine-looking black, wearing the livery of ColonelD'Egville, entering to announce that coffee was waiting for them in anadjoining room--the party rose and retired to the ladies.