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Timefulness

Page 15

by Marcia Bjornerud


  fact, were followed by a period of time— hundreds of thousands

  to millions of years— when microbes alone thrived while the

  rest of the biosphere struggled to get back on its feet (or into

  124 Ch a pter 4

  its shells). The great mass extinctions challenge any conceit

  that we are the triumphant culmination of 3.5 billion years of

  evolution. Life is endlessly inventive, always tinkering and ex-

  perimenting, but not with a particular notion of progress. For

  us mammals, the Cretaceous extinction was the lucky break

  that cleared the way for a golden age, but if the story of the

  biosphere were written from the perspective of prokaryotic

  rather than macro scopic life, the extinctions would hardly reg-

  ister. Even today, prokaryotes (bacteria and archea) make up at

  least 50% of all biomass on Earth.23 One might say that Earth’s

  biosphere is, and always has been, a “microcracy,” ruled by the

  tiny. When larger, arriviste life- forms falter, infinitely adapt-

  able microbes, whose evolutionary timescales are measured in

  months rather than millennia, are always eager to move in and

  reassert their long- held dominion over the planet.

  Perhaps most importantly, none of the mass extinctions—

  even the relatively “clean” Cretaceous disaster— can be fully

  attributed to a single cause; all involved rapid changes in sev-

  eral geologic systems at one time, which in turn triggered

  knock- on effects in still others. In some respects, this is reas-

  suring; it means that it takes a “perfect storm” of convergent

  causes to destabilize the biosphere. Nevertheless, many of the

  malefactors— greenhouse gases, carbon- cycle disturbances,

  ocean acidification, and anoxia— are uncomfortably familiar to

  current residents of Earth. And if a looming catastrophe has

  multiple origins, there will be no precise predictions and no

  silver- bullet solutions.

  The story of the atmosphere reminds us that the sky over

  our head is not the only, or ultimate, one to shelter the Earth.

  When there is change in the air, even after long periods of sta-

  bility, it can blow through with breathtaking suddenness, as

  Svalbard’s withering glaciers attest. In the aftermath of these

  Changes in the air 125

  winds of change, upheavals in biogeochemical cycles ripple

  through ecosystems at all levels. Organisms that have invested

  everything in the old world order will suffer or even be extin-

  guished while microbes quietly clean up the mess and decree a

  new set of rules for the survivors. Tinkering with atmospheric

  chemistry is a dangerous business; ungovernable forces can

  come out of thin air.

  C H A P T E R 5

  G R E AT

  AC C E L E R AT I O N S

  Any fool can destroy trees; they cannot run away.

  — J O H N M U I R , O U R N AT I O N A L PA R K S , 1 9 0 1

  A C C I D E N TA L VA N D A L S

  At most U.S. colleges and universities, earning a degree in

  geology requires completion of a rite of passage called “field

  camp.” Traditionally, this is a six- week course in a Western

  state with rugged topography and plenty of bare rock baking

  in the sun. Aspiring geologists learn to map rock units and

  mineral deposits, log stratigraphic sequences, draw cross

  sections, and interpret landforms. In the old days, field camp

  was the course that separated “the men from the boys.” For-

  tunately, my own field camp at the University of Minnesota

  was taught by professors with a more enlightened philosophy.

  Even though Minnesota has plenty of interesting rocks of its

  own, our field camp was set in the spectacular Sawatch Range

  of central Colorado.

  We had a day off each week, and during one of those times

  of sweet liberty, a group of us set out on a long hike to explore

  an old pegmatite mine we had heard about. Pegmatites are

  exotic igneous rocks famed for their oversized crystals of rare

  and colorful minerals and valued, increasingly, as sources of

  rare- earth elements, which are essential for high- tech batteries,

  Great acceler ations 127

  cellphones, and digital storage media. Pegmatites represent the

  very last stage of solidification of some granitic magmas, when

  a combination of undercooling and a high content of magmatic

  gases allows crystals to grow many times faster than usual. A

  normal quartz or feldspar crystal forming in a magma chamber

  beneath a volcano like Mount Saint Helens might grow at the

  leisurely pace of about 0.6 cm (0.25 in.) per century.1 Pegmatite

  crystals, on the other hand, are the baby blue whales of the

  mineral kingdom, bulking up at the dizzying rate of inches per

  year.2 Although they can form quickly under the right circum-

  stances, pegmatites are rare— not exactly renewable resources.

  The pegmatite we were hunting was an old one, formed in

  Meso proterozoic time at least 1.5 billion years ago, long before

  the modern Rockies existed.

  We found the road into the abandoned mine diggings—

  hesitating briefly at the “No Trespassing” signs— and followed a

  string of waste rock piles to a hollowed- out space on the side of

  a half- blasted hill. There we discovered what pegmatite zealots

  (a distinct subculture of mineralogists) call a gem pocket. It was

  like stepping into the pastel world of an old- fashioned Easter

  sugar egg: giant crystals of white feldspar were decorated with

  clusters of purple mica (lepidolite) and hexagonal prisms of

  pink and green tourmaline. Some of the tourmalines were per-

  fect gemstone miniatures of watermelon slices, with thin green

  rinds and pink interiors. In an instant, we were all seized with

  a visceral greed, a need to take as many of these treasures as

  we could. We had come with our rock hammers, but the pick

  ends were blunt, designed for breaking rocks, not extracting

  delicate crystals. I managed to tap out a few small deep- pink

  tourmalines, and then spotted a prize: a perfect watermelon-

  colored crystal about 8 cm (3 in.) long. It was in an awkward

  corner close to the ceiling of the excavation, with little room

  128 Ch a pter 5

  for wielding a hammer, but I was determined to have it. I began

  pounding away, thinking ahead to how I would display this

  trophy at home when, in one errant blow, I smashed it.

  In that moment it seemed my vision was suddenly cleared,

  as if I had been released from a malevolent spell that had en-

  gulfed us when we entered the gem pocket. I abruptly lost my

  appetite for the whole enterprise. After several years of immer-

  sion in the world of geology, I had developed some sense for

  Deep Time. And I saw that in an avaricious second I had care-

  lessly destroyed an exquisite thing that had witnessed a third

  of Earth’s history— most of the Boring Billion, Snowball Earth,

  the emergence of animals, the great extinctions, the growth of

  the Rockies. I felt sickened by the scene of devastation around

  me, and my complicity in it.
r />   I have the same feeling now in watching the demise of Sval-

  bard’s glaciers— and the increasingly anemic winters we have

  in Wisconsin— knowing that I am culpable for them as a person

  who loves international travel and long hot showers, and more

  generally as a member of a fossil fuel– addicted society. In my

  lifetime, we have thoughtlessly smashed ancient ecosystems

  and made a wreckage of long- evolving biogeochemical cycles.

  We have set in motion changes for which there are few prec-

  edents in the geologic past and which will cast long shadows

  far into the future.

  A N A N T H R O P O C E N E A L M A N A C

  Sometime in the last century we crossed a tipping point at which

  rates of environmental change caused by humans outstripped

  those by many natural geologic and biological processes. That

  threshold marked the start of a proposed new epoch in the

  geologic timescale, the Anthropocene. The term was coined

  Great acceler ations 129

  in 2002 by Paul Crutzen, a Nobel Prize– winning atmospheric

  chemist, and it quickly entered both the geologic literature and

  popular lexicon as shorthand for this unprecedented time when

  the behavior of the planet bears the unmistakable imprint of

  human activity.

  In 2008, a short paper by a group of stratigraphers in the

  Geological Society of London provided quantitative argu-

  ments for how the Anthropocene could be formally defined.3

  The authors pointed to five distinct systems in which human

  activities have at least doubled the rates of geologic processes.

  These include the following:

  • erosion and sedimentation, in which humans outpace all

  the world’s rivers by an order of magnitude (a factor of 10);

  • sea level rise, which had been close to nil for the past

  7,000 years4 but is now about 0.3 m (1 ft) per century and

  expected to be twice that by 2100;

  • ocean chemistry, also stable for many millennia but now

  0.1 pH unit more acidic than a century ago;

  • extinction rates, now a factor of 1000 to 10,000 above

  background rates;5

  and of course

  • atmospheric carbon dioxide, which at more than 400 ppm

  is higher than at any time in the last 4 million years (before

  the Ice Age), while emissions by human activities surpass

  all those of the world’s volcanoes by a factor of 100.6

  Other authors note that phosphorus and nitrogen efflux into

  lakes and coastal waters— leading to anoxic dead zones— is now

  more than double the natural rates, due to runoff of agri cultural

  fertilizers.7 And through agriculture, deforestation, fires, and

  other land- use practices, humans dictate one- quarter of the

  130 Ch a pter 5

  net primary productivity— the total photosynthetic effort of

  plants— on land.8

  Most geologists think these stark facts more than justify

  the adoption of the Anthropocene, not only as a useful con-

  cept but also as formal division of the geologic timescale, on

  par with the Pleistocene (the Ice Age, 2.6 million to 11,700

  years ago) and the Holocene (essentially, recorded human his-

  tory). The magnitudes of human- induced planetary changes,

  “achieved” in less than a century, are equivalent to those in

  the great mass extinctions that define other boundaries in

  geologic time. With the exception of the end- Cretaceous

  meteorite impact, however, those events unfolded over tens

  of thousands of years.

  The International Commission on Stratigraphy— that for-

  midable parliament of Time— has taken the matter up, and

  the main disagreements are bureaucratic: in particular, how

  exactly to define the start of the Anthropocene. Should there

  be a Global Boundary Stratigraphic Section and Point (GSSP,

  or “golden spike”) as for other boundaries in geologic time?

  The GSSP for the base of the Holocene is a particular layer

  within the Greenland ice cap, with an isotopic signal that

  marks the onset of the warmer climate of the Holocene.9 Ice

  is more ephemeral than rock, but the layer lies more than

  1400 m (4600 ft) below the surface and is safe from melting

  for now. (Also, a sample of the layer is archived in freezers

  at the University of Copenhagen). The Anthropocene could

  be similarly defined by a distinctive signature in polar ice—

  perhaps the spike in unusual isotopes that is the shameful

  legacy, the Scarlet A, of atomic bomb tests in the 1950s and

  ’60s. But this near- surface ice could very soon be a victim of

  Anthropocene climate; glacial archives are being lost at an

  alarming rate around the world. On the Quelccaya Ice Cap in

  Great acceler ations 131

  the High Andes, for example, 1600 years of ice has vanished in

  the past two decades— destroying a high- resolution weather

  record going back to the time of the Nazca people.10 The use of

  the word glacial to mean “imperceptibly slow” is quickly be-

  coming an anachronism; today, glaciers are among the rapidly

  changing entities in Nature.

  Some geologists therefore suggest that an exception be

  made in defining the Anthropocene and that a calendar year—

  perhaps 1950— rather than a natural archive be chosen as its

  formal beginning. After all, we humans are the only ones ag-

  onizing over this, and as long as we’re around we can remind

  each other of the date. If at some point we vanish, it is likely

  no one else will fret about the definition of the Anthropocene.

  In many ways, the exact start of the Anthropocene matters less

  than the concept behind it.

  A subtler point for geologists is that the idea of the An-

  thropocene represents a fundamental break with the philo-

  sophical underpinnings of the field, established by Hutton and

  Lyell. Hutton’s great insight was that the past and present are

  not disjunct domains governed by different rules but linked

  through the continuity of geologic processes. And much of

  Lyell’s magnum opus, Principles of Geology, is a polemic in-

  tended to dissuade readers from the idea that geologic change

  happened faster in the past than in the present. The Anthro-

  pocene now inverts this idea by emphasizing how processes

  are faster in the present than in the past. In attempting to

  predict the geologic future without the comfort of uniformi-

  tarianism, we are in a position strangely analogous to that of

  pre- nineteenth century geologists who had no guidelines for

  understanding the geologic past. Still, we can refer only to

  the recent geologic record for possible analogs to our present

  uncertain moment in time.

  132 Ch a pter 5

  U N D E R T H E W E AT H E R

  Climate- controlled buildings and the year- round availability of

  fresh fruit allow citizens of wealthy nations in the twenty- first

  century to treat the weather as a backdrop to their lives, not the

  main story. We may complain about the inaccuracy of a local

  forecast or be irritated when rain foils weekend plans, but as a
r />   society, we largely ignore the weather until it disrupts everyday

  life. Rather than measure the value of good weather (imagine

  this headline: “Last Week’s Sunshine Was Worth $10 million

  to Area Farmers”), we characterize bad weather events—

  blizzards, hurricanes, heat waves, droughts, floods— as costly

  anomalies that deprive businesses of their “rightful” earnings.

  That is, we assume that the weather is normally stable and

  benign, and are constantly surprised when it is not.

  The long- term imprint of weather and climate on human

  civilization is the focus of a new area of interdisciplinary

  scholar ship that integrates history, economics, sociology, an-

  thropology, statistics, and climate science. One of the salient

  patterns that emerges when one looks at the past two millennia

  of human civilization is that periods of social instability and

  conflict coincide, at a high level of statistical significance, with

  intervals when climate deviates even modestly from normal.11

  In early medieval Europe, for example, average temperatures

  only one degree lower than average led to crop failures and

  spurred the great mass migrations and intertribal clashes of

  the period from AD 400 to 700. Sustained drought related to

  changes in Pacific Ocean weather patterns around the year 900

  caused the collapse of both the Mayan civilization in Central

  America and the Tang dynasty in China. The Angkor kingdom

  of Southeast Asia, which had flourished for 500 years, crum-

  bled after just two decades of drought in the early fifteenth

  Great acceler ations 133

  century. Another cold period in Europe coincided with the

  Thirty Years War, from 1618 to 1648, which was more devas-

  tating even than World War I in terms of the percentage of the

  population killed. Although the war was nominally a religious

  and political conflict, the animosities were deepened and the

  suffering exacerbated by climate- related famine.

  We may think that in modern times we are no longer so vul-

  nerable to mere weather phenomena. But analysis of global

  police records from the past half- century shows that for each

  standard deviation increase in average temperature in major

  cities, violent crime rates rose by 4%. A similar statistical study

  finds that climate stresses like water shortages have caused local

  and regional intergroup conflicts around the world to increase

 

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