Doctor Goebbels: His Life & Death
Page 7
Hermann Ludwig Baron von der Pfordten and Catholic theology under Professor
Joseph Schnitzer. But his real intellectual nourishment is from what he takes in at the
galleries and museums—the paintings of Arnold Böckling, of Carl Spitzweg, and of
Anselm Feuerbach. He reads voraciously, devouring Sophocles’ drama ‘Antigone,’
August Strindberg’s ‘The Red Room,’ Thomas Mann’s ‘Death in Venice,’ and assorted
works by Henrik Ibsen and Leo Tolstoy.
Again he auctions his suits, sees Anka pawn her own gold watch, hocks his own
watch for a pittance to—he recalls in 1925—an ‘insolent Jew.’ Such stereotyped
references are rare in his early letters. On the contrary, he writes to Anka once
gently rebuking her. ‘As you know, I can’t stand this exaggerated antisemitism,’ he
wrote, in a reference to their teacher Gerhard Bartels. ‘I can’t claim that many of my
best friends are Jews, but my view is you don’t get rid of them by huffing and puffing,
let alone by pogroms—and if you could do so that would be both highly ignoble and
unworthy.’75 There is still little trace of the later murderous antisemitism in Joseph
Goebbels.
1 The year is recorded in JG’s 1921 handwritten curriculum vitae appended to his doctoral
dissertation (Reuth, 17).
2 An article on Flisges is on microfiche in packet 26 of the Goebbels papers (Moscow
archives).
3 A one hour interview of Hompesch’s wife taped by Westdeutscher Rundfunk in 1987 is
in Mönchen Gladbach city archives.
4 JG, ‘Der tote Freund,’ Apr 1912 (Genoud papers; Reuth, 20).
5 See his school reports 1912-1916 in BA file NL.118/113.
38 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH
6 See JG’s eulogy, ‘Gerhardi Bartels Manibus!’ Dec 6, 1919 (BA: NL.188/120).
7 Fritz Göbbels to Joseph Goebbels, Nov 9, 1919 (facsimile in Neue Illustrierte, Jun 6,
1953; original now in BA file NL.118/112).— According to an article, ‘Studentenbriefe,’ in
Ruhr Nachrichten, Dortmund, May 12, 1953, JG left a suitcase filled with snapshots, love
letters (including 115 letters from Anka Stalherm and ‘one letter by Joseph Goebbels to
Georg Mumme’), poetry, press clippings and other early documents with his mother for
safekeeping. Worried by a 1943 air raid on Rheydt he phoned his brother Hans to place the
case in safety; Hans deposited it in the lung clinic at Holsterhausen operated by the Rhineland
Insurance Fund of which he was president. In about Feb 1945, according to Frau Hildegard
Meyer, a nurse at that clinic, Hans came to destroy the papers as the Americans approached;
she persuaded him to let her take them. She sold them to the Catholic ‘Wort und Werk
GmbH’ publishing house, according to an article in Abendzeitung, Aug 31, 1954 (IfZ archives).
Alerted by these press items, Swiss lawyer François Genoud acquired title to JG’s writings
from the administrator of Goebbels’ estate by contract of Aug 23, 1955, subsequently amended
on Oct 21, 1955 and Mar 12, 1956, and he fought several legal actions against Frau Meyer
and others to establish his title to them in 1956, 1963, and 1964 in Germany.—From court
papers in the author’s possession.
8 JG, ‘Wie kann auch der Nichtkämpfer in diesen Tagen dem Vaterland dienen?’, class
paper dated Nov 27, 1914; quoted in ‘Joseph Goebbels bewarb sich beim “Judenblatt”,’ (JG
applied for job with ‘Jewish rag’) in Westdeutsches Tageblatt, Jul 7, 1954; these papers from his
youth had just been sold in a Berlin auction. They are now in BA file NL.118/117.
9 Now in Genoud’s possession.
10 Hans served in 160 Inf. Regt., was in French captivity from Jun 16, 1916 to Jan 22,
1920 (BDC file).
11 BA file NL.118/117.
12 Text in BA file NL.118/126.
13 Joseph Goebbels, Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei (Berlin, 1934): Apr 25, 1933 (cit. hereafter
as Kaiserhof).
14 Diary, May 8, 1926.
15 Ibid., Dec 6, 1930 (Olga Förster).
16 Ibid., Jul 28, 1924.
17 Ibid.Jul 2, 1924.
18 Ibid., Jun 2, 1929.
19 See Kölsch’s contribution inUnitas, organ of the association of Unitas Catholic student
fraternities, 57th year, No, 5, June 1917, 227 (BA file NL.118/119)
20 The text is in Genoud’s papers (Reuth, 30)
21 Programm zum Vereinsfest des Bonner Unitas-Vereins, Jun 24, 1917; Unitas, Jun and
Aug 1917 (IfZ: F82, Heiber papers and BA: NL.118/119)
22 Extracts from 24 of these were published in Echo der Zeit, Jul 21 and 28, 1952. And see
the article ‘Ein feiner Vertreter des Dritten Reiches,’ by Studienrat Karl Klauck (clerk to the
Society since 1914) in Kölnischer Volkszeitung, Jan 31, 1952; also documents in BA file NL.118/
113.
23 Hermann Kölsch to JG, Nov 10 and 25, 1917 (Mönchengladbach city archives); Bering,
119.
GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 39
24 JG’s correspondence with Agnes Kölsch is in BA file NL.118/111.
25 Writing to JG on Nov 16, 1917 Mrs Kölsch called herself his Mütterchen (little mother)
number two (BA file NL.118/111).
26 Diary, Jul 24, 1924; and Mar 20, 1929: Anka’s son Christian is ‘just like her: blond with
blue eyes.’
27 Agnes (‘Anka’) Stalherm was born on Oct 8, 1895 in Recklinghausen; died of cancer in
1955, and is buried at Horben, above Freiburg.—See the curriculum vitae in Freiburg’s
Albert Ludwig-University archives, 1922, appended to her dissertation, ‘Kapitalbedarf und
Kapitalbeschaffung in der Industrie nach dem Kriege.’ I am indebted to Anka’s friend Irene
Pranger and daughter Annette Castendyk (née Oswald) for information about this key figure
on Goebbels’ romantic horizon.
28 Undated postcard from Karlheinz Kölsch to Anka in Freiburg (Pranger collection).
29 Her daughter volunteered to me (interview, Nov 10, 1991) that Anka told her she found
Goebbels intellectually attractive, but physically not.
30 JG to Anka Stalherm, Jun 15, 1918 (BA: NL.118/109); two letters on this file dated
‘Feb 1918’ are in fact from Feb 1919.
31 Writing her on Sep 9, 1918 he asks if he may kiss her rosebud lips ‘for the first time’
(ibid.)
32 On Jan 26, 1919 he writes her that there is a snapshot of her on Castle Hill meadow on
his desk, ‘and for Ulex it is as though he must sit down and press a tender kiss on her dear
cheek just like then’ (ibid.)
33 Entitled ‘Judas Iscariot. Eine biblische Tragödie in fünf Akten von P.J. Goebbels,’ the
107pp. manuscript, written on squared paper in immaculate, legible, copperplate Sütterlin
script, is dedicated to Anka Stalherm ‘in tiefer Verehrung’ (with deepest respect). (BA:
NL.118/127)
34 JG toAnka, Jul 30, Aug 3, 4, 1918 (BA: NL.188/127)
35 Agnes Kölsch to JG, Aug 15, 1918 (BA: NL.118/112).
36 JG to Anka, Aug 28, 1918 (BA: NL.118/109). Frau Castendyk (interviewed, Nov 10,
1991) says Anka’s mother regarded JG as an Emporkömmling (parvenu).
37 Cf. JG to Anka, Sep 9, 1918, 10 A.M.
38 Ditto, Aug 22, 1918
39 Ditto, Aug 23, 1918
40 Ditto, Aug 20, 1918
41 Ditto, Aug 26, 28, 1918
42 Ditto, Aug 30, 1918
43 Ditto, Aug 31, 1918
44 Ditto, Aug 31, 10 P.M.
45 Ditto, Sep 1. He was referring to Wagner’s diary entry for Oct 1, 1858.
46 Ditto, Aug 30, 1918
47 Ditto, Aug 5 and 11, 1918
48 Ditto, Aug 11, 1918
49 Anka to JG, Aug 11 (ibid.)
50 JG to Anka, Aug 26, 1918
51 Ditto, Aug 30, 1918
40 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH
52 Ditto, Sep 2, 1918
53 Ditto, Sep 3, 1918
54 Ditto, Sep 8, 1918
55 Ditto, Sep 9, 1918
56 JG to Prang, Sep 14, 1918
57 JG to Anka, Oct 5, 1918
58 Fritz Göbbels to JG, Nov 14, 1918 (BA: NL.118/113).
59 Ditto, Nov 25, 1918.
60 Anka to JG, Dec 21, 1918
61 JG memoirs 1924.
62 JG to Anka, Jan 21, 1919 (BA: NL.118/109).
63 Ditto, Jan 25, 1919.
64 Anka to JG, Jan 25, 1919.
65 JG to Anka, Jan 29, Feb 4, 10, 1919.
66 Ditto, Jan 26, 1919
67 Ditto.
68 Ditto, Jan 27, 1919
69 Ditto, Jan 29, 1919
70 Ditto, Feb 24, 1919 (BA: NL.118/109).
71 Diary, Jul 14, 1924.
72 Ibid., Jun 9, 1925.
73 See JG to Anka, Mar 16, 1919 (BA: NL.118/109).
74 JG to Willy Zilles, Jul 26, 1915 (Mönchengladbach city archives; Reuth, 24); JG’s essay,
‘Wilhelm Raabe,’ Mar 7, 1916, is in Genoud’s papers.
75 JG to Anka Stalherm, Feb 17, 1919 (BA file NL.118/126).
GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 41
Goebbels
2: Prodigal Son
WHILE at Freiburg university in 1919 Joseph Goebbels turned his back on
the Catholic church. Perhaps the suffocating Catholicism of the diocesan
city of Würzburg had contributed to his restlessness. He was certainly deeply troubled
by the nature of God and what he saw as the falsification of the true faith by
idolatrous priests. In his novel ‘Michael’ he allowed his hero to brood upon this dilemma.
The result was much portentous, empty rhetoric except for the one proposition:
‘It hardly matters what we believe in, so long as we believe in something’—
the essence of the later Joseph Goebbels.
In July 1919 the Unitas journal reported that ‘Herr Göbbels’ had seceded from
their fraternity. He continued to doubt and waver, and wrote to his father on October
31 about this torment (‘But if I should lose my faith…’) The letter contained,
Fritz Goebbels replied, ‘much to please me, but again much to cause me pain.’
Goebbels spoke of the diligence with which he was persevering in his studies and—
be it noted—stressed that he had not compromised his morals. But Joseph Goebbels
added: ‘Why don’t you tell me that you curse me as the Prodigal Son who has left his
parents and gone into the wilderness?’1
On November 7, his father sent him an angry reply, followed two days later by
more a reasoned epistle setting aside his son’s doubts. With good will on both sides,
he believed, their former relationship could be restored. Many a young man was
tormented by doubt, he wrote. ‘There is no victory,’ wrote Fritz Goebbels, ‘without
struggle.’ There was no reason for keeping away from the Holy Sacraments: ‘For
what adult can claim to have approached the Lord’s Table at all times with the childlike
pure heart of his First Communion?’ He challenged his wayward son to answer
42 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH
this question: ‘Do you intend writing books that are not compatible with the Catholic
religion?’ Then he reminded him of how they had prayed together at the deathbed
of Elisabeth: ‘What was the one consolation in our grief then? It was this: that the
dear little soul had been properly provided with the last rites of our Holy Church,
and that we could pray for her together.
Scripture teacher Father Moller would recall that after leaving university Goebbels
would continue to speak at Catholic conclaves: ‘I myself always stayed in touch with
him.’ Years later, his parish priest would tersely justify his original recommendation
to the Albertus Magnus Society: ‘None of us could see into the future.’
UNDER the influence of Flisges and his own study of Dostoievsky Goebbels became
politically aware. He was now twenty-two and leaning politically to the left. When
the student Anton Count von Arco-Valley was sentenced for the assassination of the
extreme leftwing prime minister of Bavaria Kurt Eisner, Goebbels became curious
about socialism. Being as yet more of a literary than political inclination he explored
his ideas in a drama, scribbled in an exercise book, entitled ‘The Working Classes’
Struggle.’2 Still poised on an awkward threshold between God and profanity, he recalled
four years later his mental turmoil, his yearning for God, his crushing poverty,
and Anka’s inability to help. Again he pawned his watch and set off, alone, for home.
In a few days during the Easter break he sketched another socio-political drama, ‘The
Seed’ (later ‘Blood-Seed’).3 He tried to get employment as a teacher in East Prussia
or in Holland (he had a smattering of maternal Dutch.)4 As the communist revolution
swept across the Ruhr, Goebbels decided to make his home run for that Ph.D.
degree; he chose Heidelberg to make the attempt.
That Christmas he found himself alone in Munich, prevented by the Allied occupation
authorities from joining his family at Rheydt for the festivities. He stayed in the
Bavarian capital, as Wagner’s ‘Ring’ cycle was to be performed at the National Theatre;
he found himself strolling through the cobbled, snowswept streets on Christmas
eve, entirely deserted save for a police constable wrapped to the ears against the
cold. From somewhere came the sound of children singing; and then of a piano—
GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 43
Schubert, the melodies borne through the air, he would later write, as though on
angels’ hands. ‘I know not how long I stood there,’ he wrote. ‘Only that I sat that
evening in a quiet, dark corner of the church of Our Lady and celebrated Christmas
alone, as though in a dream. On December 29 I went to the Tyrol, going up into the
eternal mountains satiated with the sounds of Wagner.’5
HE and Anka have drifted apart since that Christmas of 1919. As recently as December
19 they mooched along the shores of Lake Starnberg and Anka has sketched in his
pocket diary a room with two (single) beds. She has given him a gold bracelet. He
has given her Heinrich Heine’s Book of Ballads with a fulsome dedication. But she
begins to make possessive scenes; he takes refuge in Tolstoy’s ‘War and Peace,’ he
alternately fights with her or forges fantastic plans of marriage, then sees them shipwrecked
on her bourgeois attitudes. He ‘runs into’ her in Freiburg and finds that she
too is making for Heidelberg. He persuades her to study elsewhere—‘What an idiot