Warrior Kings of Sweden

by Gary Dean Peterson

  The same was true of Duke Karl, of course, but he was in the game for all the chips and was not the least bit squeamish. Stenbock and the nunnery were just the prelude to the real test which was Fleming, the duke’s only real rival under the king.

  Klas Fleming had forbidden any of his subjects from attending the Riksdag and had severely punished those few nobles who had. His billeting of troops with the peasants was becoming intolerable. Fleming was using the butter revenue to pay his soldiers, but this was insufficient. The discontented troops were only to happy to deal mercilessly with any rebellious peasants and not above a little pillaging when given half an excuse.

  There were, in effect, two rulers in Sweden: Karl in Sweden proper and Fleming in Finland. This, the Duke Karl would not tolerate. He pushed the Råd to grant him troops to attack Fleming, but an emissary sent by Sigismund in the summer of 1596 killed this drive. It relayed the message that any attack on Fleming would be considered an attack on the king. Sigismund also sent a commission to Fleming giving him the authority to resist any move against him even by force if necessary, and the Finn had 5,000 ready soldiers with which to comply.

  Karl’s situation became even more untenable with the arrival of a second emissary from Sigismund in the late summer of 1596 ordering Karl to resign as riksföreståndare or cut back his authority in accordance with the Ordinance of Government. In Finland, the oppressed peasants of Österbotten appealed to Karl for relief, but the duke had none to give. He could only advise them to take matters into their own hands. The peasants did just that in what is known as the Club War.

  In November 1596, the peasants of Österbotten rose up, killing what soldiers they could lay their hands on and burning the estates of Fleming’s supporters, generally the nobles. The revolt spread to southern Finland where the peasants received some support from the clergy, but they had no organized army. Fleming brought his troops together, faced the mob at St. Michel in January 1597, and slaughtered the rebels. A final battle was fought at Santavuoriwc on February 24 and organized resistance was ended. The Club War was over. Some 3,000 peasants died. Fleming had put down the revolt, but Karl won the propaganda war.

  The duke railed at the injustices done by Fleming and cited this as an example of what can happen when the ståthållares were left to exercise unbridled authority. He called for an assembly of the Estates to meet and decide these issues of a divided country and an undefined government.

  On February 18, 1597, a Riksdag assembled at Arboga with heavy representation on the part of the peasants and burghers, but the nobility stayed away. Only the aristocracy from the Karl’s duchy and the weasely Axel Leijonhufvud attended. Leijonhufvud had return to Sweden and managed to ingratiate himself to the duke.

  At the assembly Karl pushed for dictatorial powers, but this the Estates would not grant. They did defy the king in offering Karl the office of riksföreståndare, but reaffirmed the Söderköping Resolution. He must rule with the consent of the Råd. Karl asked for a levy of troops for an attack on Finland and again was refused. He was given only the authority to send an emissary. Karl was still in power, but frustrated in not gaining the tools to consolidate his authority. He would have to resort to force to get what he wanted.

  Meanwhile, the nobility’s organization was disintegrating. Several members, including Erik Sparre and Erik Stenbock, slipped across the Danish border and headed for Poland to entreat the king to return and counter Karl’s growing power. Eric Stenbock’s departure left Älvsborg Castle without a commander. Karl quickly took advantage, sending his own captain to assume command. Next Karl led a fleet against Kalmar, still held by Karl Stenbock who capitulated in June. Arvid Stenbock, the last of the ståthållares, then fled to Poland. Karl now controlled Sweden militarily, but Finland still offered a back door to his adversaries.

  Klas Fleming died April 13, 1597, leaving Arvid Eriksson Stålarm in charge. Though more of a gentleman, Stålarm was not about to accede to Karl’s demands. In September 1597, Karl sailed for Finland with an army. He took Åbo by the end of the month and had the Finnish Estates recognize him as riksföreståndare, but did not have sufficient forces to conquer the entire country. In October he had to return to Stockholm and Stålarm quickly retook Åbo. Karl had gained little in Finland; still his position in Sweden was sound. If Sigismund was to retain his Swedish throne he would have to act soon.

  What followed was a flurry of activity on both sides of the Baltic. In February 1598, Karl called another Riksdag to consolidate his power and forge ties with the nobility. He followed this with a special assembly of the Estates in the south at Vadstena in June and one in the north at Stockholm in July.

  For his part Sigismund dispatched Samuel Laski to Sweden to reconnoiter, disrupt the Riksdag, and ask a declaration of loyalty from Archbishop Angermannus. Angermannus pledged his fealty to the king, counteracting Karl’s proposition that this was a struggle to preserve the Swedish Lutheran Church. Erik Sparre was sent to Pomerania and Mecklenburg to get their promise of neutrality in any upcoming hostilities. He also went on to Denmark to solicit assistance from Christian IV, but was only partially successful. The Danish king would cooperate, but not actively participate in any possible war. Danzig, Lübeck and Rostok were pressured to break off trade relations with Sweden. Polish privateers attacked Swedish merchantmen in German harbors and on the open sea.

  The Sejm was now alarmed. Sweden might separate itself from the not so tight union, breaking up even the appearance of a coalition against their common enemy Russia. The Polish Council authorized money and troops for an intervention in Sweden to restore Sigismund’s authority.

  On July 23, 1598, Sigismund left Danzig with 80 transports, a few warships, about 4,500 troops, the exiled members of the Råd, and a few Polish senators. Eight days later the fleet put in at Kalmar and confronted the fortress, which surrendered without a fight. In spite of Karl’s best efforts, his nephew and sovereign was back in Sweden. A showdown was now inevitable.

  The opponents were about evenly matched. Sigismund had his inferior fleet, and 5,000 Polish cavalry at his immediate command. The Råd, except for the undependable Axel Leijonhufvud, were with him as were a majority of the nobility in Sweden. Archbishop Angermannus and the city of Stockholm remained loyal along with a good share of the Swedish army, especially the Uppland cavalry. Småland and Västergötland strongly supported their king, but Östergötland was about evenly divided. Stålarm kept Finland in the king’s camp although the peasants favored Karl and might be rallied to his cause if given a chance. Estonia would stay with the king.

  At the core of Karl’s support was Dalarna and his own duchy with its small army and significant fleet. It was the Swedish peasantry that provided the duke his strength in numbers. Except for the three southern provinces they were solidly behind him.

  Sigismund’s plan called for a two part campaign. He would land in the south and Stålarm, with his Finnish army, was to land in the north joining up with the Uppland Cavalry. Coordination proved to be a problem, however, and Stålarm landed prematurely at Uppland while Sigismund was still in Danzig. Stålarm was forced to withdraw. The false start drew Karl’s fleet into the northern Baltic where it lay sidelined in the Åland Islands waiting for a north wind to bring it back into action. Thus Sigismund was able to make his unopposed crossing and easy landing at Kalmar.

  The king advanced his fleet and most of his troops up the coast to Stegeborg where his sister Anna was living. He took the castle without opposition. A few of his ships got separated and wound up in the Stockholm Skerries. On one of these vessels was Laski, who had many contacts in the capital. He sailed on into the harbor and Stockholm came over to his side. He and Archbishop Angermannus then proceeded to secure the city and surrounding countryside for their king.

  Karl, meanwhile, had assembled his army, consisting of his ducal troops and a large peasant militia, at Linköping. Sigismund, at Stegeborg, waited for the return of Stålarm in the north to push the two pronged attack. Karl had
to move before the Finnish army arrived. On September 8 he advanced against Stegeborg, but the attack was poorly executed and the king’s Polish troops proved their mettle. The attack was beaten back with heavy losses. Had Sigismund followed up the defeat, he might have annihilated Karl’s army, but the Råd intervened and persuaded the king that a slaughter of Swedish men by foreign troops might provoke a general uprising in Karl’s behalf. The opportunity for victory was squandered; Karl and his army escaped back to Linköping where he reorganized and rebuilt his forces.

  At the same time the winds finally changed at sea and Karl’s fleet was able to sail south. By September 20 it lay off Stegeborg. Sigismund’s fleet of mostly transports was no match for the Swedish war fleet so the king found himself cut off at sea facing a numerically superior force on land.

  Sigismund was still confident of victory. He felt his experienced troops and commanders, though heavily outnumbered, were more than a match for Karl’s peasant militia. On September 21 he broke out of Stegesborg and marched toward Linköping, catching Karl by surprise. Karl rushed to set up a defensive position along the Stånge River near Stångebro.

  The two armies closed and skirmishes broke out between opposing forces along the stream, threatening to develop into a full scale battle. Karl called for a truce which Sigismund accepted, pulling the main body of his troops back from the river. Karl, however, made no such move to disengage, but sent men forward to take the two bridges between the armies. One of these was captured, breaking Sigismund’s forward line. Stretched thin, his men were thrown into confusion as they pulled back and tried to regroup into a second defensive line.

  Sigismund’s situation was now desperate. To his rear Karl’s fleet had forced the Polish transports and the few warships to surrender. His baggage and wounded, left behind at Stegesborg at the breakout, were lost. He was in a poor defensive position facing a much larger army. Sigismund now called for a truce which Karl accepted on condition the king turn over to him the members of the Råd in his camp. Sigismund had no choice but to comply, sending to Karl the nobles who represented the king’s Swedish support, among them, Erik Sparre. Next Karl forced Sigismund to sign the Treaty of Linköping on September 28 calling for the king to abide by his charter and that all appointments Karl had made would stand. A Riksdag was to be called within five months to decide all issues.

  Three days later Stålarm arrived in Stockholm with his Finnish army, but it was too late. The civil war was over so he returned to Finland.

  Sigismund moved to Kalmar where he was joined by his sister Anna. From there he was expected to sail to Stockholm where the Riksdag would meet to decide the government. He still held the moral high ground. Even Karl had not called for an abdication, wanting only to rule in the king’s absence. On September 22 Sigismund and Anna set sail, but instead of going to Stockholm, they crossed the Baltic and landed at Danzig. Sigismund left behind a strong garrison at Kalmar Castle and some army units in the city, but otherwise he was evacuating Sweden. He would never see his native country again.

  The nation was stunned. With the Råd members as Karl’s prisoners, royalist support among the aristocracy collapsed. Burghers, clergy and army units loyal to the king were left disorganized and demoralized. The Linköping Treaty was swept away by the king’s flight and no official government remained.

  What prompted the sudden change in plans? Historians have not determined the answer. There was an incursion by Cossacks into southern Lithuania and perhaps the Sejm sent an urgent demand that he return to put down the insurrection. Possibly, he had learned of some threat to kill or imprison him upon his arrival at Stockholm. In any case, the course of history was certainly altered by his flight and de facto abdication.

  Karl was quick to take advantage of the unexpected situation and moved to consolidate his power. The Uppland Cavalry, left dangling, turned to Karl for direction. By November Älvsborg had submitted, followed by Stockholm. Karl led his troops to Småland and attacked Kalmar. On the first of May he stormed the city. Within two weeks the castle surrendered, closing Sigismund’s last door to return.

  With the country under military control, Karl took the fleet and army, and crossed over to Finland. He captured Äbo, Helsingfors and Viborg in September and October. By the end of 1599, he had control of all Finland. He then proceeded to purge the nobility for atrocities they had committed during the Club War. It was an excuse to curry favor with the peasants and eliminate potential future problems. The young son of Klas Fleming was one of those executed. Arvid Stålarm was sent to Stockholm for trial.

  In Estonia partisans loyal to Karl seized power in Narva in October 1599 fearing Sigismund might try to turn the country over to Poland. Most of the army followed their lead and began taking control of outposts and forts across the country. In March 1600 Reval was taken, securing the country for the duke. Militarily Karl now controlled all of Sweden and its positions, but political and legal issues were far from settled.

  In July 1599, the Estates assembled to decide how to respond to Sigismund’s desertion. They voted unanimously to renounce their allegiance to him and declared him deposed. They then considered possible replacements. There were three candidates: Wladyslav (Sigismund’s four year old son), the young son of Johan III, and Karl. The Riksdag was not willing to risk authority being passed to an untested child and pressed Karl to accept the crown, but Karl refused. He needed to maintain some semblance of a proper succession in order to secure the throne for his young son Gustav Adolf. He proposed sending a letter to Sigismund advising him that if Wladyslav was returned to Sweden within 12 months to be raised as a Lutheran, he would inherit the throne. Meanwhile, Karl would rule as regent. The Estates were unhappy with the year’s postponement, but had little choice and agreed.

  Early March 1600, the Estates again met, this time at Linköping. Over 800 members were in attendance for this was to be a momentous event. Before the Riksdag were two questions, the formation of a new government and the disposition of the position held by Karl.

  Again the Riksdag called for the coronation of Karl and again he held them off. The twelve months were not yet up. Sigismund might still agree to send his son to take the throne. In the meantime, Karl was given the title of riksföreståndare for life in behalf of the absent monarch. It would be another four years before Karl would formally be crowned king of Sweden.

  As for the prisoners, a 155 member court was empanelled with two alternating presidents, the unscrupulous Alex Leijonhufvud and the respected Erik Brahe, a Roman Catholic and former ståthallåre. The prosecutor would be Karl himself. The accused were the five members of the Råd turned over to Karl at Stångeboro including Erik Sparre, five other nobles, and the two Finns, one of them being Arvid Stålarm.

  They were accused of not recognizing Karl as riksföreståndare and promoting the overthrow of Protestantism in Sweden. Actually, there was some truth to this last charge as Sigismund was supposed to have promised Malaspina that if he had to take Sweden by force he would reinstate Catholicism in the county.

  All the accused were convicted, five receiving the death penalty. On March 20, 1600, the executions were carried out in the Linköping marketplace. Among those beheaded was Erik Sparre. The old constitutionalist who had been at the center of Swedish politics for three decades was finally removed from the scene. Karl was the ruler of Sweden and king apparent.

  11. Karl IX and the Second Polish War

  Karl would rule Sweden for eleven years though he didn’t officially accept the throne until 1604 and was not actually crowned until 1607. This last would secure the monarchical succession for his oldest son, Gustav Adolf. Like his father, Karl had a good business sense and his duchy had prospered under his administration, but he had many of the Vasas’ disagreeable traits: an evil temper, paranoia, unbounded ambition and savage ruthlessness. He was personally brave and did not blanch at leading his troops in the field from the front. He was a warrior king in every way. But he seems to have lacked his father’s good sens
e and ability to judge situations. This would cause him problems in domestic politics, and would prove to be disastrous in foreign affairs.

  Karl began his reign by trying to win over the aristocracy with leniency. But the discovery of a Bonde-Posse plot against him among the aristocracy of Vöstergötland changed his approach. After that he rode roughshod over his opponents in the nobility. There were other conspiracies, some at home and some at the Polish court where a few members of each of the great magnate families resided. In connection with one of these episodes, Archbishop Angermannus was imprisoned and died. In the end Karl managed to alienate nearly all of the nobility.

  The Råd had ceased to exist with the trial of Linköping as most of the members were either executed or exiled. However, tensions increased with Denmark and Karl found he needed the council. The 1570 Treaty of Stettin called for disputes between the two countries be discussed at the border by their councils. Karl had to reconstitute the Råd. He called upon the Riksdag to nominate the members, but limited the membership to twelve as prescribed in the old Land Law (though the number of member had grown over the years—prior to Karl’s decimating purge). He also asked that six members be added from Estonia, signifying the incorporation of this Baltic province into Sweden. He got the twelve he needed, but the Estates would not recognize the additional six. The new Råd did counsel the king and run the government when he was away at the Livonian Wars.

  In church matters Karl tried to meddle much as Johan had done except in the opposite direction. Where his brother leaned toward Catholicism, Karl tried to influence the Swedish church to move away from what he saw as reminders of Rome’s influence. He was not a Calvinist for he rejected some of their basic tenets, but he did admire the austere simplicity of their religion. When the church rewrote the handbook on services and the Mass, Karl submitted his own version. When the clergy wrote a revised catechism, Karl stepped in with his rendition. In both instances, church officials made no decision and tactfully waited for the king’s passing, then adopted their own version. Karl was no more successful than Johan had been at influencing the Swedish Lutheran Church to his liking.