Nation on Board

by Lynn Schler

  SHIP CULTURE AND NIGERIANIZATION

  For Nigerian seamen, the Nigerianization of personnel played a significant role in providing seamen with a sense of belonging, and even ownership, on ships. The appearance of Nigerian captains and officers was much anticipated by seamen, and contributed to seamen’s sense that the ships were “our own.” Over time, the replacement of European officers and masters with Nigerians did have a noticeable impact on the working cultures, labor hierarchies, and the overall running of the ships. Some Nigerian captains established less distance between themselves and the rest of the crew. Capt. Alao Tajudeen described it this way: “Family. We were all one family. Although our training required that cadets should not mix with ratings, in Nigerian ships, this was never so.”43 A seaman interviewed confirmed this lack of distance between Nigerian officers and crews: “They were all okay. Unlike the British, the Nigerians officers intermingled with the crew.”44

  Ship logs reveal that the Nigerian captains and officers often took on a fatherly role with the crew. At times they approached their role not only as commanders, but also as caretakers. This could be seen in an incident on the River Ogun in which a trainee carpenter had insulted the chief officer “with dirty words and refused to work overtime.” The carpenter explained in his defense that he did not insult the chief officer, but that he indeed had refused to work overtime because his previous overtime was not approved. The ship’s logs reported, “The Captain stated that from the carpenter’s bar bill, he could see that he drinks too much. He further reminded Mr. Familun that he is merely a trainee carpenter and if he carried on in this manner, he may not succeed in becoming a full-fledged carpenter. He therefore warned him to be of good behavior from now onwards.”45 Nigerian officers also attempted to provide guidance and support to seamen, as can be seen from a 1973 logbook of the King Jaja. In this incident, Assistant Engineer L. Adio refused to go on watch “as he was found to be drunk and using swear words” to his senior officers. In a letter to the captain, the chief engineer wrote, “In my own way I did try very hard to give him sympathetic advices repeatedly to change his behavior because he was already demoted to Asst. Engineer on the vessels of this company.”46 On the Oduduwa in 1973, the second engineer pleaded with the captain to not take disciplinary action against two seamen who had missed the sailing time in Warri in September and had to catch the ship in Sapale a few days later. As reported in the log: “The 2nd engineer having said that they are good workers, both men were severely cautioned and made to understand that any such subsequent behavior will result to severe penalties.”47

  Logbooks from the NNSL ships also reveal that Nigerian captains were able to develop a kind of dialogue with the crew that was grounded in a shared cultural background. They could often speak to crew in vernacular languages and made themselves far better understood by seamen. The logbook of the River Majidum from 1983 recounts one incident involving a seaman, A. Disu, who could not perform his duties in the galley because of excessive drunkenness. The captain was called in to handle the situation and ordered the unruly Disu to rest in his cabin, but the seaman refused and “poured a torrent of abuses and insults on the Master.” Disu was later called to the captain’s quarters, and in the presence of the catering officer and crew spokesman, he was charged with “being absent from his place of duty, excessive drunkenness on board, disobedience of lawful order and command and action prejudiciary to good order and discipline.” The captain read the charges and asked Disu if he understood. When the insolent seaman replied that he did not understand, the captain translated to him in Yoruba. At that moment, Disu “prostrated and begged for leniency and forgiveness, that he [did not know what he was doing or saying, or] what he was charged for.”48

  Another logbook offers transcribed dialogues from the River Benue in 1974. From these records, we see how Capt. E. Olu Ogunsiji encouraged a dialogue between Junior Engineer Ajonu, who was being charged with negligence, and the chief engineer and the fourth engineer, who were also invited to express their views on the allegations. The junior engineer had been caught sleeping while on duty in the engine room, leading to the leakage of five tons of fuel. Despite the severity of the charges, the chief engineer encouraged the captain to take a lenient approach with the offender:

  Master to C/E: Why is this J/E here before me?

  C/E to Master: He is here to be warned officially because his carelessness is becoming too much.

  Master to C/E: Can you expatiate on this word CARELESSNESS?

  C/E: Yes. On several occasions he has been caught sleeping in the engine room while on watch; and on one occasion he lost 5 tons (to be precise) of diesel oil while on duty because of his sleeping.

  Master to J/E: What have you got to say in order to defend the allegation leveled against you, as I consider same to be a grave offence?

  J/E: This is my first time of hearing the loss of 5 tons of oil while I was on duty in the engine room.

  4/E in attendance.

  C/E to 4/E: Tell me of what happened?

  4/E explained: When I came down to the E/R, I found the J/E dosing off while the purifier lost oil into the bilges. The 4/E then stopped the purifier and woke up the J/E to tell him what he observed when he entered the E/R.

  Master to J/E: From the evidence before me, I am convinced that the 4/E’s statement confirms the C/E’s allegation that you were found sleeping while on duty and as such I should have dealt with your case with all seriousness but since the C/E would like to warn you I have got to give him benefit of the doubt. You are therefore warned to be of good behavior in performing your duties diligently and to conduct yourself in a sober manner while you are in this ship or otherwise drastic and disciplinary action which may lead to summary dismissal from the company might be taken against you in any future occurrence for negligence of duty in the E/R. What have you got to say?

  J/E: I am sorry sir and it will not happen again in the future.

  Master to C/E: In view of his “SORRINESS” would you like to pardon him?

  C/E: A change is badly needed if he is to survive on this boat.

  J/E: I thank you for pardoning me, sir.

  Master: You are pardoned. You can go.49

  Records indicate that Nigerian crews on NNSL ships also petitioned European captains in instances when disciplinary action was to be taken against one of the crew. Thus, on board the River Adada in 1982, Capt. T. Pienkowski reported that Fourth Engineer Kolawole requested to be sent home because one of his family members was dying, but the captain refused. Kolawole later had an argument and threatened the shore watchman with a knife. A delegation of officers, including the chief officer, the radio officer, and the chief steward, came to the captain to plead for the fourth engineer “because of his psychological condition.” The captain finally agreed to fly him back to Lagos.50

  The process of Nigerianization onboard NNSL vessels was experienced not only by Nigerians but also by the British seamen and officers who worked on NNSL ships. British seamen engaged with Nigerians from a wide array of cultural backgrounds, and they told stories that revealed their wonder at many of the situations they encountered as part of NNSL crews. For example, a British captain on the River Ogun reported that a seaman on board had complained of illness: “He had in his possession, a ‘native preparation’ which he procured from an undisclosed source. He had taken a dose of this native preparation the previous day. Since taking this medicine, he had in addition to other discomfort, been constipated.” The captain assumed he was suffering from indigestion, but the next day, he experienced swelling all over his body, and within a few hours, the seaman died.51

  For British seamen, voyages on NNSL ships were memorable experiences that exposed them to cultures and traditions quite different from their own, and their bemusement remained with them many years later. This can be seen in the following testimony of Derrick Bailey:

  On NNSL’s “Oduduwa” there was an engineer’s steward, Sam (weren’t they all) a young, twentyish healthy youn
g man. He took his leave in Lagos and rejoined the ship a worried man. He told us that his family’s enemies had put a juju on him and that he would die. There was no way that we could accept that, he was too full of life, a really nice guy. We left Lagos for Port Harcourt and anchored at Dawes Island waiting for a berth. Sam spent the morning giving the engineer’s cabins a good going over then went and lay down in the tonnage well and died!! Please explain.52

  Working for the NNSL, British seamen also became unwittingly entangled in the politics of postindependence Nigeria as this affected the NNSL ships. This could be seen in the testimony of a British seaman who worked for the NNSL during the Biafra War: “When we arrived in Lagos the Nigerian civil war was on and we were conscripted into the Nigerian army. We appealed to the British Consulate to try to get off the ship but as we were on Nigerian articles they did not want to know. We took part in two invasions in Biafra. We eventually got home and I left the ship at Immingham never to go to sea again. I am sure but for that trip I would have stayed at sea for much longer.”53

  A SENSE OF HOME AND ENTITLEMENT

  For Nigerian seamen, the move to the national line was a kind of homecoming and fostered a feeling of belonging on the ships of the NNSL. Particularly in the early years following independence and the establishment of the Nigerian line, seamen’s identification with the NNSL ships as their own fostered a clear sense of entitlement with regard to their status on the vessels. This sense of entitlement found expression in the working cultures on board, and was apparent in the emboldened attitude seamen took with European officers and captains. Particularly in the early years, seamen were empowered by the notion that they were Nigerians on Nigerian ships, and several incidents reflected a shifting balance of power away from colonial relations. This could be seen in an incident reported on the Yinka Folawiyo in 1976. In this incident, the second officer found a crewman, P. Ige, banging on the door of the chief officer’s cabin:

  The 2nd officer found that P. Ige was trying to force the door of the chief officer’s cabin and calling him to come out. The 2nd officer asked P. Ige what he doing. Ige answered that he was celebrating Nigerian Independence Day. Then P. Ige started shouting abuses at the 2nd officer and calling him names: white bastard, you are not our brother, this is a Nigerian ship. The 2nd officer shouted: please keep away from me because you are drunk and don’t know what you are doing. Ige then stated that the 2nd officer takes Nigerian money and therefore, when Ige talks, the 2nd officer was to shut up. Ige then hit the 2nd officer in the shoulder with the bottle once and after this with his hands. Whilst hitting the second officer who did not strike back Ige called him a white bastard and other foul words.54

  Following this incident, the chief officer refused to sail with the NNSL, but it was not only the British officers who became targets of crew empowerment. Nigerian seamen’s sense of entitlement on Nigerian ships could also be seen in exchanges with Nigerian officers and captains. Seamen’s sense of ownership on board NNSL ships was apparent in the logbook from the River Ogun in 1970:

  T. Morron, Able Seaman, entered the chief officer’s cabin shouting and complaining about the cleaning of hatches. Mr. Oyewumi, Chief Officer, ordered him out of the cabin and back to work and he replied “fuck you, this cabin doesn’t belong to you, it belongs to the whole staff of the National Lines” and continued using abusive language towards the Chief Officer for several minutes. Mr. Fanto, 2nd officer was present throughout. T. Morron is hereby fined one day’s pay for using insolent and contemptuous language to the chief officer.55

  Particularly when docked in Lagos, the seamen’s sense of home and entitlement was more pronounced. This inspired them to initiate bolder protests against commands that they found unfair. In Lagos, seamen would simply walk off ships and rejoin their families when the captain’s orders were deemed unreasonable. This could be seen in an incident that took place days before Christmas in 1974. On their approach to Lagos, Capt. F. Lemessurier informed the crew of the Oranyan that they would be given no time off for the Christmas holiday. But once the ship anchored in Lagos on 23 December, several seamen and some officers simply walked off the ship; on 27 December, the captain reported that he was still awaiting their return.56 In another case, it was reported that Chief Officer Ali of the King Jaja protested against the ship’s captain by disembarking each day in Lagos rather than taking part in the running of the ship. According to the ship log, the captain called Mr. Ali in to inform him that he would be deducted five days of pay for failing to participate in the running of the ship, and this deduction would continue until Ali returned to work. The captain read out the log entry to Mr. Ali and asked him if he had anything he wanted to say in his defense, to which Ali responded, “Since the 2nd June, 1975, I have come to a conclusion and decided that I cannot work with you and I have already given you a notice to pay me off. I always go out about 0900hrs and come back to the vessel about 1700hrs.”57

  The atmosphere on board NNSL vessels reflected seamen’s level of comfort, at times leading to a lack of discipline. Rules were slowly relaxed, and general discipline began to decline on board ships. The lack of discipline was seen among officers who disregarded regulations regarding uniforms, requiring the NNSL management to publish a reminder to all officers: “We have observed in the past year a decline in the standards required and/or a neglect on the part of some of our officers to wear the correct company uniform whilst serving in the fleet both afloat and in port. It is, of course, appreciated and accepted that on occasion dirty or uncomfortable work in the course of their various duties necessitates that officers wear boiler suits or other protective clothing. We accordingly advise reasonable cognizance of this fact, but not to the extent it becomes an item of permitted uniform for unjustified purposes.”58

  Incidents of insubordination were frequently linked to excessive alcohol consumption, and the insolence and fighting reported in logbooks often involved drunk crew members. These incidents are revealing for what they can teach us about the roots and the nature of conflicts on board Nigerian ships, and the ways in which crews framed their discontent. One noteworthy journey in this regard was that of the Ahmadu Tijani in 1978, where multiple incidents of drunkenness, fighting, and insubordination were reported in the captain’s log. One greaser in particular, Dosunnui, was involved in several incidents that threatened the safety of the ship. In a log entry in May, it was reported that Dosunnui demanded a cash advance from the captain, and when he was refused, he became violent toward the captain and needed restraining. Efforts to calm him down were unsuccessful, and he refused to be removed from the captain’s private quarters, “claiming he is not a slave and had the right to sit anywhere.”59 The captain ordered the crew spokesman to reason with him, but apparently this had only a temporary influence on Dosunnui, and one month later, he was again the subject of the captain’s log. It was reported on the night of 21 June that the head greaser, Medieros, barged into the wheelhouse, shouting that he was fed up with Dosunnui and he was being pushed to the point of murder. It was clear to the officers present that the headman was drunk and had encouraged drinking among his men, and he was therefore sent away. Minutes later, Dosunnui entered the wheelhouse, demanding medical attention for the injuries he sustained while being struck by Medieros. Dosunnui was also ordered to leave the room, but he refused to do so. According to the log, “Mr. Dosunnui jumped into the pilot’s chair in the wheelhouse and continued to obstruct the duty officer in carrying out his lawful duties—an act and misconduct which was likely to endanger the navigation of the ship.” The greaser was not deterred, and he remained in the pilot’s chair for the rest of the night, waiting for medical care.60 Following these and other incidents, Captain Tsiquaye decided to limit the alcohol allocated to the crew. He posted a notice explaining the matter:

  You are aware of all the efforts I have been making to persuade and convince the crew to live in peace and harmony as brothers. You are also aware of the many incidents that have taken place due to drunkenness
and certain members of the crew refusing to work, others going out of their way to fight and pursue unnecessary quarrels whilst others threaten to kill one another. It would appear from the cases mentioned above that certain people have the intention to commit murder or harm others and want to use alcohol as the means to achieve this. Since it is my responsibility to safeguard the interests and well-being of all the crew . . . it has been decided that from today the 21st day of June 1978, the Issue of Spirits to the crew has been cancelled and only half a case of beer will be allowed to each crew member as contained in the company’s Standing Instructions and anyone getting drunk on these will have his beer stopped altogether.61

  Apparently, the ban was not fully successful, as two weeks following the ban, a drunken cook chased several members of the crew with a chopper, and was discharged from the ship.62 But the captain seems to have been generally satisfied with the return to order, and on 28 July 1978, he lifted the ban on beers, and allowed each crew member a “docking bottle” at the time of discharge.63

  The sense of home and entitlement that Nigerians felt on board NNSL ships could also translate into a relaxed sense of fun. Unfortunately for Nigerian crews, European captains did not often share in this playfulness. This can be seen in an incident from the River Ogun in 1978, in which Radio Officer A. K. Oke had delivered the following message to the captain: “Please be informed that the general manager of the company is dead, hence all our ships requested to anchor for 3 minutes at sea at 1200 hrs 1-4-78 to honor the dead man. Nigerline Lagos.” The captain eventually discovered that this was merely an April Fool’s prank, but only after he had ordered the work stoppage. According to the ship’s log, the captain was not amused by the radio officer’s explanation of what happened: “He was very sorry and his assumption that it would be understood today being April 1st could not be accepted because of the seriousness of the message, and effect on organization of vessel. Steps had already been taken to stop ship at 1200, and work to stop for 3 minutes in commemoration when at 1140 the Master realized it was a fake and informed all Heads of Departments.”64 According to the log, the captain noted that he was worried about Radio Officer Oke’s future conduct and he was severely reprimanded for delivering a false message.