Delphi

by Michael Scott

  16. Parke and Wormell 114.

  17. Parke and Wormell 113: the sources also explain this consultation as the Athenians seeking relief from plague. The oracle was also involved c. 460 BC in the affairs of the Praxiergidae, an Attic genos: IG I3 7.

  18. Vogt 1998, Bowden 2005: 52–56.

  19. See “even if the practical influence of the Pythia in Greek politics had begun to wane, the accumulated fame of Delphi had a momentum which carried it triumphantly through the 5th century BC”: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 180.

  20. Bousquet 1943, Colonna 1984, Jacquemin 1999: 121–22. The dedication in this case was associated with an oracular consultation that had guided them to victory: Parke and Wormell 128.

  21. Jacquemin 1999: 192–93.

  22. New layout of the north section of the sanctuary at this time: Pouilloux 1960, Bommelaer 1992b. Pausanias’s description of the paintings: Paus. 10.25.1–29. For discussion: Kebric 1983. For discussion of the lesche: Pouilloux 1960: 123, Scott 2010: 94.

  23. Treasury in Athena sanctuary: Amandry 1984b: 191. Stoa: for dating see Walsh 1986. For discussion of purpose: Kuhn 1985, Hansen 1989. Athenian palm tree and Athena: Amandry 1954: 300, Miller 1997: 39. New statue group at entrance to sanctuary: Jacquemin 1999: 190–91. This collection was added to with monuments also from individual Athenians: a horse statue, for example, from the Athenian general Callias: Scott 2010: 96. At the Corycian cave, too, there was a massive influx of Athenian pottery in this period, making up 50 percent of the material found there: Luce 2008: 413. For a recent study of worship and dedication at the cave in the period 500–450 BC: Volioti 2011.

  24. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 184.

  25. Parke and Wormell 121 and 154. Why did the Amphictyony allow such domination, or were they powerless to prevent it? For discussion of the Amphictyony in the fifth century BC, including the possibility that it was largely inactive: Bowden 2003. For the assertion that the Amphictyony continued to be active: Daux 1975, Sanchez 2001: 27, 80–110. It is curious, that, at some point around the mid-fifth century, we know from surviving inscriptions that Athens actually made an alliance with the Amphictyony, as if they were another city-state: IG I3 9; Roux 1979: 45.

  26. “Spartan” approach to monument building: Thuc. 1.10; Cartledge 2002: 194, Low 2006. Spartan action at Delphi: Thuc. 1.112.5.

  27. Hdt. 1.51–53; Prontera 1981: 256.

  28. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 186.

  29. The Apollo “Sitalcas” statue, standing fifteen and a half meters high: Diod. Sic. 16.33.1; Paus. 10.15.1–2. Its date of dedication is, however, disputed. For its dedication now in the fifth century BC: Jacquemin 1999: 15, 47. For its dedication in the fourth century BC: Bommelaer 1991: 187.

  30. This monument is associated with Thessalian victory over Athens at the battle of Tanagra (Thuc. 1.107): Daux 1958a.

  31. Scott 2010: 101. Gaia and Themis statues: de La Coste-Messelière and Flacelière 1930.

  32. Thurii: Parke and Wormell 131, 132; Schol Ar. Nub. 332. Amphipolis: Thuc. 4.102; Polyaenus Strat. 6.53; Parke and Wormell 133; Malkin 1987: 81–84.

  33. Religious officials: IG I3 131.9–11 and IG I3 137.3–5; First Fruits decree: IG I3 78; Plut. Mor. 408C; Plut. Vit. Nic. 13.5–6; Hdt. 5.63.1, 5.66.2–3; Thuc. 5.16.2; Paus. 3.4.3–4; Mylonas 1961: 127, Cavanaugh 1996: 62. See Parke and Wormell 164, 165.

  34. Thuc. 1.25; Parke and Wormell 136. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 188, Parker 2000: 89.

  35. Bommelaer 1992a: 293, Scott 2010: 101–103.

  36. Des Courtils 1992: 244–51. For this idea that Delphi was an incubator, or laboratory, for sculptural styles and ideas (as well as a conservator of styles and ideas): Croissant 2000: 347.

  37. Thuc. 1.118; Parke and Wormell 137.

  38. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 190. Corinth suggests using Delphi to bankroll Sparta’s campaigns: Thuc. 1.121.3, 1.143.1. A new Spartan base at Heraclea in Trachis banned to outsiders: Thuc. 3.92; Parke and Wormell 159.

  39. Bribery by King Pleistonax of Sparta: Thuc. 5.16.2; Parke and Wormell 160.

  40. E.g., Eur. Andr. 1085ff, 1161ff. Ar. Eq. 197, 999. See also Soph. OT 711.

  41. Fontenrose 1978: 95–117, Moret 1982, Shapiro 1996: 110–12, Bowden 2005: 59–60.

  42. Agreement of 423 BC: Thuc. 4.118.1. Agreement of 421 BC: Thuc. 5.18.2.

  43. Arcadia: Parke and Wormell 163. Thasos and Neapolis: Thuc. 1.28.2.2; Pouilloux 1954: 178–92. Delian exiles: Thuc. 5.32.1; Parke and Wormell 161, 162; Parker 2000: 95. Recovery from plague: Parke and Wormell 125; Paus. 1.3.4; Bowden 2005: 111. Note that the oracle also advised Cleonae on how to save themselves from the plague in this period: Parke and Wormell 158.

  44. Traveling to Delphi through Boeotia territory: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 197–98. Aristophanes’ lament: Ar. Av. 188. Euripides: E.g., Eur. Ion 369ff, 436ff, 859ff. See Dougherty 1996. See also the parody of Delphic oracles in Ar. Vesp. 158–60; Plut. 1–55.

  45. Possible consultation leading up to Sicilian expedition: Parke and Wormell 166 (Plut. Mor. 403B). Supporting Sparta: Parke and Wormell 169 and 170.

  46. One possible dedication by an Athenian supporter (Corcyra) at this time: Scott 2010: 109. Spartan dedications: Bommelaer 1981: 22, Scott 2010: 104–108. For discussion of the problems of the archaeology of this area: Pouilloux and Roux 1963: 3–68.

  47. Plut. Vit. Nic. 13.3. This was, according to Plutarch, dismissed at the time by the Athenians as a story invented by the Syracusans.

  48. Parker 2000: 93.

  49. Pl. Chrm. 164e–165a; see Bowden 2005: 70. See the relation of these maxims to Socrates’ claim that the oracle had told his pupil no one was wiser than Socrates, a response Socrates attributed to the fact that he knew nothing in comparison to most people who thought they knew it all: Parke and Wormell 134 (see also a later version: 420). Pl. Ap. 20e–21a; Xen. Ap. 14. For the date of the pupil’s consultation: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 402–404.

  50. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 387–89.

  CHAPTER 7. RENEWAL

  1. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 404.

  2. Xen. An. 3.1.5–7. Half-tithe of spoils: Xen. An. 5.3.5. Note that Xenophon later described the oracle as an “advisor,” through which “we learn what we ought to do and what not” Xen. Cyr. 1.6.46; Mem. 1.4.15.

  3. The classicist Michael Arnush argues that a series of events from the Peloponnesian War through to Alexander the Great contributed to diminishing the importance of international political pilgrimage to the oracle specifically at Delphi (rather than oracles altogether): Arnush 2005: 105–106. Ceasing consultation over arbitration: Parker 2000: 89, 101, Arnush 2005: 105. Arbitration over Leuke: Parke and Wormell 178. Even earlier end: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 188.

  4. King Agis: FD III 4 196; Diod. Sic. 15.54.1; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 203. Lysander: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 204–207.

  5. Julian. Or. 5.159b (written c. 360 AD); Parke and Wormell 572; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 324, Bowden 2005: 205.

  6. Phaselis: CID I 8. Skiathos: CID I 13.

  7. Ascelpiads: CID I 11. Asclepiads of Cos and Cnidus highlighting their special honors: CID I 12. It was said that an Asclepiad from Cos was buried in the area of Delphi’s hippodrome and had been involved in the Amphictyony’s efforts to free Delphi from Crisa during the First Sacred War in the sixth century BC: Bousquet 1956: 579–93, Roux 1976: 197. Honors to individuals: the Athenian Callias claimed in the inscription accompanying his Pythian victory statue that he had secured a full spread of wins at all the periodos games—those of Olympia, Delphi, Isthmia, Nemea—even though the Olympic victory was actually achieved by another member of his family: FD III 1 510; Bousquet 1992. For Gorgias: Scott 2010: 111.

  8. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 209.

  9. Delphi population: Homolle 1926, Rousset 2002a. Population cramped into Delphi: Rousset 2002a: 50. Isolated and yet powerful: Rousset 2002a: 46.

  10. Paus. 10.23.9; Rousset 2002a: 205.

  11. Roux 1979: 70–77, Bommelaer 1991: 24.

  12. Delphi in Plato’s ideal state: Pl.
Resp. 427b–c. It should be noted that Plato thus envisages a role for Delphi that is more religious than political, see Parker 2000: 82–85. Delphi in Plato’s later work: Pl. Leg. 759c6-d1, 759d1–e1, 828a1–5, 856d2–e3, 865a3–b2, 913d4–914a5. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 405, Bowden 2005: 84–86.

  13. Labyadai: CID I 9 (fourth century BC Labyadai text); CID I 9bis (older Labyadai text). See also Rhodes and Osborne 2003: No. 1. Amphictyonic statement of responsibility for Pythian games: CID I 10 and CID IV 1. For discussion, see Roux 1979, Lefèvre 2002b: 5, 36. Number of other Amphictyonic laws: CID IV 2, 3, 4.

  14. Narrative of First Sacred War, see Davies 1994: 201. Dionysius of Syracuse: Diod. Sic. 15.13.1. Iphicrates: Diod. Sic. 16.57.2. Earthquake: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 214, Amandry and Hansen 2010: 147–51, Scott 2010: 114. Jason of Pherai: Xen. Hell. 6.4.30 Parke and Wormell 1956a: 210–12.

  15. Later oracles: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 220. Oracles prophesying Spartan downfall at Leuctra: Parke and Wormell 254. Wall rebuilding: Hansen 1960, Amandry 1981a: 691, Jacquemin 1991b. The massive polygonal terracing wall of the temple was probably also deformed as a result of the earthquake and rockslide: Amandry and Hansen 2010: 151.

  16. Amphictyony from the start: Roux 1979: 137–49, Lefèvre 1996: 121–26. Discussions pre-Leuctra whether Sparta should engage Thebes or play the Panhellenic “card” and lead the reconstruction at Delphi: Xen. Hell. 6.4.2; at the peace conference in summer 371 BC before Leuctra, participants decided to set up bureaucratic body, the naopoioi, to lead the reconstruction and a fund-raising scheme: Bourguet 1903: 9, Parke and Wormell 1956a: 214–16. See also Sordi 1957: 41–48, 67. Note that in 368 BC, Dionysius of Syracuse wrote to Athens rather than Delphi asking how the temple rebuilding was progressing: Syll3 159; Rhodes and Osborne 2003: No. 33.

  17. Argive monument: Bommelaer 1971a, Bommelaer 1971b. For the monument, see also Salviat 1965. Dedications crumbling: Plut. Mor. 397F.

  18. This dedication was perhaps the first monumental articulation of the new confederacy: Delphi had once again acted as a petri dish for the creation of identity: Scott 2008. The inscription: FD III 1 6. This is despite the fact that the actual role of the Arkadians at Leuctra was minimal at best. The Arkadians may have later decided to attach themselves to this victory as the clearest way of announcing the Confederacy’s anti-Spartan credentials: Scott 2008.

  19. Theban treasury: Partida 2000: 196–98. Thessalian monument: Jacquemin 1999: 128.

  20. Jacquemin 1999: 220.

  21. The Theban general Epaminondas was later said to have received a warning from the oracle about how his life would end: Parke and Wormell 258. As well, the Athenian general Callistratus consulted the oracle on his chance of returning from exile to Athens, but was killed following his return (later said to have been because he misunderstood the oracle’s response): Parke and Wormell 259.

  22. The Tarentines, Lipareans, and Corcyrians all reinscribed their dedications: Jacquemin 1999: 76, Scott 2010: 122. This was not only happening at Delphi. In Athens, the Athenians chose to reinscribe the oath of Plataea at this point, which included the promise to dedicate a tithe of booty from those who had sided with the Persians during the Persian Wars (which included Thebes) at a time when Athens was vying with Thebes for supremacy in Greece: Rhodes and Osborne 2003: No. 88.21–51, Rhodes 2007.

  23. Naxians: Amandry 1940/1: 60–63. Siphnians: Valavanis 2004: 210.

  24. Xen. Hell. 7.1.27. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 220, Parker 2000: 88, Bowden 2005: 79.

  25. For the initial work carried out in preparation for the rebuilding (the establishment of foundations, the decision about reusing stone blocks, the cutting of new stone in local quarries: Amandry and Hansen 2010: 157–82.

  26. Lowering of interest: the “Law of Cadys”: Homolle 1926. Astycrates: FD III 5 15–18. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 221–22, Buckler 1985, Bommelaer 1991: 24. Theban promanteia: Syll3 176.

  27. The affair of Crates and Orsilaus: Arist. Pol. 1303b.37; Plut. Mor. 825B; Ael. VH 11.5; Homolle 1926: 95–96, Parke and Wormell 1956a: 221, Roux 1976: 192. See also the legislation from this period for murder at Delphi: CID IV 4. The tholos in the Athena sanctuary: Lerat 1985, Laroche 1992.

  28. For a recent discussion of the dating of the Third Sacred War: Deltenne 2010.

  29. Parke and Wormell 261. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 223–25.

  30. Temporary set up for oracle: in 352 BC, surviving inscriptions relate that a contractor was paid to build a “shelter” for those consulting the oracle: Syll3 247. Destruction of inscriptions: Sanchez 2001: 173–76. Building defensive walls: Diod. Sic. 16.25.1; Amandry 1981a: 741, Maass 1997: 68–79.

  31. Phocians going back on their promises: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 227. Melting down of objects: Jacquemin 1999: 238, Scott 2010: 124–25. Total value: Diod. Sic. 16.56.6.

  32. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 227.

  33. Changes in ritual practice at Athens: IG II2 4969.1–3; SEG 21 519.4–10; IG II2 333.24–26; IG II2 1933.1–3. See Bowden 2005: 123. The consultation over sacred land at Eleusis: Parke and Wormell 262; Rhodes and Osborne 2003. No. 58; IG II2 204. Delphi’s response: FGrHist 328 F 115. See Bowden 2005: 88.

  34. The festival: Roux 1976: 178. Safely making it home: Plut. Mor. 249E.

  35. Dionysus worship attested in fourth century BC, see Roux 1976: 176. The Dionysion: Jacquemin 1999: 29. One inscribed dedication speaks of the “mania” of Dionysus: Daux and Bousquet 1942–43: 26. Paean: Croissant 1996: 128. Statue: Paus. 10.32.1; Bommelaer 1991: 210.

  36. Athenian sculptors: Paus. 10.19.4; Croissant 2003: 144–46, 176. Macedonian influence: Croissant 1996: 128. Athenian influence: Croissant 1996: 136. See Stewart 1982. Breadth of worship at Delphi: see Parke and Wormell 1956a: 330–38, Scott 2010: 142.

  37. Diod. Sic. 16.57; Strabo 9.3.8.

  38. Syll3 633; Parker 2000: 89.

  39. See Diod. Sic. 16.23–60; Paus. 3.10.2, 10.2.2.

  40. Breakup of cities: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 229–33. Curse on those who touched the money: Aeschin. In Ctes. 114. Removal of sculpture: CID II 34

  II.56–62.

  41. Philip’s representatives on the lists: Daux 1957b: 100. Promanteia and statue: Jacquemin 1999: 39. Common Peace: Diod. Sic. 16.60.3.

  42. Athens’s disillusionment with Delphi: cf. Dem. 5.25; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 233–35. Hated of Philip: see Dem. 19.327; 9.32.

  43. E.g., Dem. 21.51–52; 43.66. See Bowden 2005: 56–58.

  44. No contractors or suppliers for the rebuilding came from Thessaly, even though the Thessalians presided over the Amphictyonic council. But the Peloponnesians contributed the largest sum to the rebuilding, were involved on the commission for reconstruction and as suppliers and contractors, even though they had meager representation on the Amphictyonic council: de La Coste-Messelière 1974: 208, Roux 1979: 105–11, Davies 2001a. Thanks to the preserved accounts, we also get a feeling for the way in which the Delphian authorities liked the construction processes to proceed and how they negotiated with their contractors: Feyel 1993, Feyel 2006, Amandry and Hansen 2010: 461–94. For discussion of the accounts, see Roux 1979, Bousquet 1988, Bousquet 1989, Davies 1998, Davies 2001b, Bommelaer 2008. In turn, the collaboration of skilled workmen at Delphi from different arenas has recently been argued to have aided innovative creation of architectural features and the resulting spread of those innovations back into different communities around Greece: Partida 2011.

  45. Small donations: Anaxis of Phocaea gave just one obol (and it cost four obols to inscribe one hundred letters): CID II. 4 col. III.13; Weir 2004: 77. Clearistus of Carystus: CID II 1 col II.26–30; Weir 2004: 77.

  46. Although from the start, Phocis was not always able to meet their annual quota: in 344 BC, almost immediately after reparation payments began, the Phocians only managed to pay thirty talents rather than the full sixty: FD III 5 14, II.12–14; Arnush 1991: 20. Rearrangement of sanctuary: Courby 1927: 202, Pouilloux 1960: 17–32, 49–60, 109–20, 153, Amandry 1981a: 688, 692, Amandry and Hansen
2010, Scott 2010: 118.

  47. Remaking of dedications: CID II 79 A 1; 81A; 93; 102 II A; 107; 108. The stadium inscription: CID I 3; Fontenrose 1988: 128.

  48. Odysseus’s mishap: Paus. 10.8.8. The gymnasium: Jannoray 1953, Pentazos 1992a. Honors for Artistotle: FD III 1 400 (335 BC); Fontenrose 1988: 137. List of victors: FD III 5 59B. Aristotle was also said to have consulted the oracle about whether to become a philosopher, to have dedicated a monument at the sanctuary to his friend Hermias, and to have written a study (now sadly lost) of the constitution of the city of Delphi: Bowden 2005: 86. Parke and Wormell do not believe that Aristotle consulted the oracle: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 406.

  49. Demeter at Anthela: CID II 80; 82 Currency: CID II 75; Raven 1950, Bommelaer 1991: 35. The Athena sanctuary: Le Roy 1977: 271.

  50. Cyrenean contribution to temple rebuild: CID II 4 III.11; 26.4–12; Cyrenean and Rhodian dedications: Scott 2010: 127–29.

  51. Roux 1979: 30–33, Croissant 1996: 134, Croissant 2003: 180.

  52. Aeschines’ speech: Aeschin. In Ctes. 115–23. Turning to Philip: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 235–37.

  53. Consultation: Parke and Wormell 265. Demosthenes’ comment: recounted by his rival Aesch. In Ctes. 130. See Parker 2000: 96. For the commemoration by Philip of his victory at Chaeroneia, and the violence of the battle as revealed by the skeletons buried at the site: Ma 2008.

  54. Daux 1949a: 259–60, Jacquemin 1999: 60.

  CHAPTER 8. TRANSITION

  1. Daochos dedication: Jacquemin and Laroche 2001. For Thessalian associations with Neoptolemus: Downie 2004: 217. Tamiai: CID IV 9; Roux 1979: 55, Davies 2001a: 213. Soon after their creation, the Amphictyony seems to have delegated financial decisions also entirely to the treasurers not just for the rebuilding but for all the Amphictyony’s business: Roux 1979: 191. Philip’s Hellenic league: Miller 2000: 271. Philip returning to oracle: Parke and Wormell 266–67.

  2. Response to Philip: Parke and Wormell 266–67. See Parker 2000: 88. Olympias’s involvement: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 238. The knife: Just. Epit. 9.7.13. Para Alexandrou: CID II 77; Lefèvre 2002a: 73–74.