The Poetics of Sovereignty
Page 58
and revision. Finally, the official version was given to the emperor for his
—————
32. Xue Zhou’s work is no longer extant, but for an account of this episode, see Cefu yuangui, 35.384a–84b. The Song edition lacks this fascicle. The Tang huiyao has also preserved this account, but it was originally lost and reconstituted through the Siku quanshu. See Tang huiyao, 7.79.
33. In his history of Chinese rituals and institutions, Chen Shuguo 陳戍國 naively writes that “Li Shimin was not overly enthusiastic about the sacrifices at Mount Tai” 李世民不
太熱衷於岱禮. See his Zhongguo lizhi shi, p. 129. This position reflects Taizong’s own rhetorical representation of himself as opposing the Feng and Shan on moral and economic grounds, as well as the fact that he never did succeed in performing the rites.
34. See Wechsler, Offerings of Jade and Silk, pp. 176–83.
This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:55 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
330
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
signature.35 If this is authorship, it is institutional authorship, and we
should recall the ways in which the emperor is a product of institutions,
rather than an individual person. With this in mind, it is notable that
Taizong composed a number of his decrees by hand ( shou zhao), and the
presence of Taizong’s “hand” in these documents serves as an unambigu-
ous mark of individual, rather than institutional, authorship.36
That said, let me begin with such a handwritten decree, one that Tai-
zong composed in 631, the fifth year of his reign. When Taizong’s court
began to petition him to perform the Feng and Shan sacrifices, he refused
the honor, saying,
We have examined the reports and understand all. Since the Sui dynasty lost the
Way, all within the Four Seas have left their proper courses. Among the disasters
of the past hundred kings of history, this is the greatest. We have raised the sword to exhort the brigades;37 We were first to call up the armies; and We assisted in
the flourishing of the dynastic fortunes. With the achievement of the vast patri-
mony, We thereupon shouldered the cares of filiality and reverently accepted the
great treasure.38 With each sunset, We would dwell on matters of governance,
never daring to enjoy a moment’s peace, fearful in the evenings with worries. To
be neglectful in waking and rest would be like “walking on thin [ice]” and “driv-
ing with rotted reins.”39
省表具懷。自有隋失道，四海橫流。百王之弊，於斯為甚。朕提劍鞠
旅，首啟戎行，扶翼興運。克成鴻業，遂何慈睠，恭承大寶。每日昃
思治，弗敢康寧，兢兢夕惕。用忘興寢，履薄馭朽。
Taizong’s decree discusses the chaos at the end of the Sui dynasty, and his
role in reunifying the empire. He invokes the same tropes of nighttime
—————
35. See Qian Mu, Zhongguo lidai zhengzhi deshi, p. 41.
36. The problem of the author’s hand and its metaphysical consequences are explored in Derrida, “Signature Event Context,” pp. 307–30. Also see Goldberg, Writing Matter.
37. An allusion to a line in the lesser ode “Picking White Millet” 采芑 (Poem 178): “He
[Fang Shu 方叔, a minister of King Xuan] arrays the troops and exhorts the brigades” 陳
師鞠旅. See Mao Shi zhengyi, 10.2.157c–58c, in Shisanjing zhushu, pp. 425–26.
38. “Great treasure” refers to the imperial throne.
39. The phrase lü bo 履薄 abbreviates the phrase lü bobing 履薄冰, from “Lesser Heaven”
小旻 (Poem 195) from the Classic of Poetry. See Mao Shi zhengyi, 12.2.180c–81c, in Shisanjing zhushu, pp. 448–49. The phrase yuxiu 馭朽 comes from the “Songs of the Five Noble Scions” 五子之歌 chapter of the Classic of Documents: “When I am faced with the myriad subjects, I am stricken with fear, just as if I held rotten reins to drive six horses” 予臨兆
民，懍乎若朽索之馭六馬. See Shang shu zhengyi, 44c, in Shisanjing zhushu, p. 156.
This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:55 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
331
worries as Sui Yangdi, demonstrating that the sovereign is never free of
concern for the grave matters of governance, that, indeed, at all times he is
focused on the task of rulership.
Taizong then turns to the Tang peace and the state of the empire:
But this is not worth speaking about. One should rely upon the manifest man-
date of the Three Numina.40 The “hundred lords” are of one mind, beyond the
sea there is no dust, and far-off barbarians admire righteousness.41 It is only that homelessness and migration have lasted so long, and the damage and ruin have
not yet healed. The fields are largely neglected, and the granaries are still empty.
Of the populace’s prosperity and sufficiency, We still worry and feel much shame.
How could We hastily chase after the former ages, reaping ridicule and empty
praise? Towards that to which one aspires, one should be fearful and deferential.
Joining forces and exhausting sincerity will strengthen the places where one is de-
ficient and allow one to attain the Kingly Way. If We could bring about the ya
and song to be performed on bells and chimes,42 and cause beans and millet to be as [plentiful as] water and fire, if we could return to ways of simplicity and purity, only then may We act according to the submitted opinions.43
不足為喻。賴三靈顯命，百辟同心，海外無塵，遠夷慕義。但流遁永
久，凋殘未復。田疇多曠，倉廩猶虛。家給人足，尚懷多愧。豈可遽
追前代，取譏虛美。所望恂恂濟濟。協力盡誠，輔其不逮，致之王
道。如得雅頌形於金石，菽粟同於水火，反朴還淳，當如來議。44
Taizong goes on to assert that the Tang has brought peace to all the re-
gions of the empire, from the central region of the court ministers, to the
borderlands where the Chinese civilizing influence is weaker, and finally
to the distant lands where there is little direct interaction between the
—————
40. This refers to Heaven, Earth, and human beings, all three of which were endowed with spiritual intelligence ( ling 靈).
41. The “hundred lords” here refers to “high-ranking officials,” while “beyond the sea there is no dust” is a reference to the absence of rebellions or unrest.”
42. Wu Yun and Ji Yu, in their commentary to the Tang Taizong quanji jiaozhu, take ya-song 雅頌 to refer to the Classic of Poetry, and more generally, to the sagely music of a flourishing age. They then take jinshi 金石 to refer to bells and chimes, and more generally, to musical instruments. I follow their interpretation here. See Tang Taizong quanji jiaozhu, p.
291.
43. This is an allusion to Mengzi 7A.23: “When the sage rules the world, [he will] cause [all]
to have beans and millet just as they have water and fire” 賢人治天下，使有菽粟如水
火. See Mengzi zhengyi, 27.912.
44. For texts, see Cefu yuangui, 35.385a; Tang huiyao, 7.79; Tang da zhaoling ji, 66.334; Quan Tang wen, 5.62a; and Tang Taizong quanji jiaozhu, pp. 289–91.
This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:55 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
332
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
Han and other peoples. However, Taizong also notes that the long years
of warfare have cost the empire dearly, that peace may reign but hunger
has not yet been eliminated. For this reason, a performance of the Feng
and Shan rites would be pure arrogance, garnering the ridicule of present
and future generations. Taizong ends with the one condition under
which a performance of the Feng and Shan rites would be possible: a re-
turn to the ritual order of the Zhou, within which all the basic needs of
the people would be met.
Taizong does not want to establish a world of lavish surplus or extrava-
gance, but to “return to ways of simplicity and purity.” This is exemplified
by the reference to the ya 雅 and song 頌, the music of the sage-kings—
and in particular, of the Zhou court during the height of its early reign. By
alluding to the period in which ritual music and sovereignty were in per-
fect concordance, Taizong draws attention to the history of political de-
cline that has been the inheritance of all reigns following the age of the
Hegemons in the Eastern Zhou. From the perspective of Confucian ide-
ology, political decline took the form of the decadent music of Zheng and
Wei, which began to displace the pure and simple music of the Zhou rit-
ual and court songs. For the material reality of the state, political decline
gave rise to famines and droughts, as well as floods and other natural
disasters. Thus, Taizong turns to the need to provide a basic level of sub-
sistence to the populace, alluding to the standard set by Mencius in his
discussion of the sage-kings.
It is not insignificant that Taizong brings together the rhetoric of rit-
ual and economics in refusing to perform the Feng and Shan rites. To
control the socially destructive and economically wasteful impulses of his
body, the sovereign has to devote himself absolutely to his people—which
is to say, to the ritual conception of sovereignty. Shun was the model giv-
en for such devotion, as he exemplified both the virtues of filiality and rit-
ual propriety. However, exemplariness necessitates the evacuation of all
private will or desire from the sovereign. The exemplary sovereign inhab-
its his role without surplus or reserve; there can be nothing personal left
over from his public identity. He is nothing more or less than the center
of a politico-ritual structure, elegantly captured in the Analects metaphor
of the pole-star. The antithetical model would then be Qin Shihuang, the
sovereign who viewed the energies and mechanics of the state as the ex-
tension of his own private body. The First Emperor’s conception of sov-
This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:55 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
333
ereignty then was the auxesis of the self, the devotion of the state and its people to his own boundless desires.
The utterly public-minded nature of Shun’s sovereignty, and Qin Shi-
huang’s utterly private conception of sovereignty, is relevant for Taizong’s
decree for another, perhaps more obvious reason. Taizong’s refusal of the
performance of the Feng and Shan rites resonates with Shun’s ritual sacri-
fice at Mount Tai, and Qin Shihuang’s originary performance of the Feng
and Shan. Whereas the First Emperor was seeking the secrets of immor-
tality so that he could forever inhabit his physical body, Shun sacrifices at
the sacred mountain merely to fulfill the ritual tour of inspection ( xun-
shou). Shun’s ritual logic is governed by the structural symmetry of an or-
derly realm, and therefore he proceeds to each of the cardinal directions
and enacts the same observances. Qin Shihuang, by contrast, becomes en-
tranced by the far reaches of his empire, seeking entrance into the other
spaces of the immortals. Though Taizong does not mention either ruler
by name, his argument concerning the appropriateness of the sacrifice
clearly aligns him with the model of Shun and against that of the First
Emperor. Taizong refuses to “hastily chase after the former ages, reaping
ridicule and empty praise,” naming “simplicity and purity” as the sole
conditions under which the Feng and Shan would be appropriate.
Still, there is a problem for Taizong in deploying the rhetoric of sagely
virtue—especially if he is invoking the example of Shun. Taizong comes
to power only through the violation of his kinship bonds. This means
that he cannot invoke the virtue of filiality in justifying his own moral
power, at least not without opening himself up to ridicule and the charge
of hypocrisy. Yet to not mention filiality and other kinship-based virtues
would be an egregious omission of a cardinal virtue. We have already seen
how the discourse of filiality not only lies at the heart of early Confucian
political theory, but also at the heart of the theory of imperial sovereignty
in the Han. If Taizong is representing himself as a sage-like ruler, he can-
not afford to ignore his own great moral failing.
In a speech given at the end of the same year, we see how Taizong re-
sponds to this problem. Despite his earlier refusal to perform the Feng
and Shan rites, Taizong’s officials repeat their entreaties, asserting that the
time is once again propitious. Taizong begins his reply as follows:
At the end of the Sui, there was fragmentation and division, and a host of villains
competed in pursuit. I raised a three-foot sword, and within several years, I or-
This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:55 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
334
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
dered and united the Four Seas. This is what Our martial deeds secured. The
Turks were brutal and cruel, and the world was brought into disorder and flux.
But now, they wear our garb and caps, serving me as ministers and officials; “ex-
otic kinds from different lands” converge like the spokes of a wheel before the
grand announcer.45 These peoples are what Our civilized teachings have induced
to come [to court]. After the Turks were destroyed, their rulers and vassals were
taken hostage; with the desire to pacify and nurture them, We treated them just
as We would infant children. This is Our way of benevolence and love. The Linyi
tribe submitted talking birds; the Xinluo tribe offered tribute of female musi-
cians.46 We pitied that these birds and women were separated from their origins,
and commanded that they be returned to their homelands. This is Our sincere
commitment to the basis [of society]. In requiting deeds and recording accom-
plishments, one must rely upon standards for granting rewards. In castigating
evildoers and punishing criminals, one must follow the penal code. We have sev-
ered family preferences [that is, nepotism] and eliminated old grudges in order to
repair whatever has been omitted in regard to utter public-mindedness. This is
how We honor trustworthiness.
隋末分離，群兇競逐。我提三尺劍，數年之閒，正一四海。是朕武功
所定也。突厥強梁，世為紛更。今乃襲我衣�
��，為我臣吏，殊方異
類，輻輳鴻臚。是朕文教所來也。突厥破滅，君臣為俘，安養之情，
同於赤子。是朕仁愛之道也。林邑貢能言鳥，新羅獻女樂。憫其離
本，皆令反國。是朕敦本也。酬功錄效，必依賞格。懲惡罰罪，必據
刑書。割親愛，捨嫌隙，以宏至公之遺。是朕崇信也。
As with the 631 decree, Taizong begins with the destruction and chaos
during the end of the Sui; he then turns to a description of his own role in
the reunification and reconstruction of the empire. However, what Tai-
zong emphasizes in this speech is different, focusing on his own virtuous
and efficacious rulership from the founding of the Tang to the pacifica-
tion of neighboring tribes and the stabilization of the economy. Further-
more, unlike the looser argument found in the earlier decree, this speech
—————
45. “Exotic kinds from different lands” is a line from Ban Gu’s “Rhapsody on the Western Capital,” though Ban Gu uses it to describe the tribute of exotic animals from the regions outside of the Han heartland. See Wen xuan, 1.11. Its usage here suggests an equation of the Turks with exotic animals given in tribute, which may be intentional on Taizong’s part, or merely an unfortunate choice of allusion. The “grand announcer” ( honglu 鴻臚) is also known as the honglu qing 鴻臚卿, whose duty it was to announce and oversee foreign dignitaries at the court.
46. For the history of the Linyi, see Sui shu, 82.1831–33. For the Xinluo, see Sui shu, 81.1820–21.
This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:55 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
335
shows the evidence of rhetorical craft and a tighter logical structure. This
is achieved through the use of a formula throughout the speech in which
Taizong first describes how he has rectified a political or social matter and
then declares how his actions arise from a particular moral principle.
Taizong concludes the speech by explaining the reasons why he should
not perform the Feng and Shan:
It is not that We are autocratic and boastful, but rather that We desire the teach-