A Companion to Assyria

by Eckart Frahm

  Figure 24.9 Nineveh, wall relief showing the king and queen banqueting in a garden, North Palace of Assurbanipal, found fallen into Room S from an upper story, calcareous gypsum, W: 140 cm, London, British Museum 124920.

  Source: author.

  In general, the military reliefs are arranged in two registers and the hunting reliefs in one, but there are exceptions. Registers are often further subdivided by continuous ground lines. In compositions having multiple registers, the registers are separated by a narrow uninscribed band of stone. The only inscriptions on the reliefs are captions placed next to the part of the image they label (Russell 1999a: 154–208). In most of the North Palace compositions, figures adhere fairly firmly to the ground lines, though occasionally, particularly in the hunting scenes, they are arranged more freely across the relief surface.

  In the Southwest Palace at Nineveh, the wall slabs in two areas were carved with Babylonian campaign subjects that seem to date to Assurbanipal or one of his successors: in Court XIX the king and army campaign beside a wide river that divides the slabs into two registers, with an effect similar to that of the central text register of Sennacherib’s predecessors, and in Room XXVIII the Assyrian army hunts out enemy refugees in a swamp. A number of details indicate that these reliefs postdate Sennacherib, while they are very similar to, though differing in a few details from, the North Palace reliefs of Assurbanipal. At least some of the reliefs in Room XXII, which show lush scenes of the countryside around Nineveh, also postdate Sennacherib (Barnett, Bleibtreu, and Turner 1998: 80–90, pls. 187–265; Falkner 1952–53: 247–9; Hrouda 1965a: 115–17; Nagel 1967: 31–9; Porada 1989: 233–43; Russell 1991: 117–51).

  The Neo‐Assyrian Period: Portable Arts

  Seals

  While palace reliefs represent a new medium in the Neo‐Assyrian period, the cylinder seals draw on over two millennia of artistic tradition that was readily accessible through old seals passed down or unearthed. Hundreds of Neo‐Assyrian cylinder seals are preserved, deriving from excavations in the Assyrian heartland and provinces, as well as from the art market. The largest published groups of excavated seals are from Ashur, now in Berlin, and from Kalḫu and Nineveh, now in London (Moortgat 1966; Jakob‐Rost and Gerlach 1997; Collon 2001; Klengel‐Brandt 2014). Herbordt (1998–2001) provides a valuable overview of materials, styles, and subjects, and is the basis for the summary here.

  Early typologies were based on carving technique and defined four stylistic groups: (1) linear style, characterized by grooved contours and fill patterns cut with a chisel, (2) drilled style, where the principal forms of the subject are created with drill holes, (3) cut style, combining drill holes with lines made by a cutting wheel and filing, and (4) modeled style, where tool marks are blended and smoothed to create naturalistic figures (Herbordt 1998–2001: 267–8). In fact, these “styles” are actually technological responses to the hardness of the material being carved. The linear style is associated with soft stones and faience, which can be engraved with edged tools, while the drilled, cut, and modeled styles are found on hard stones that are carved with the aid of mechanical tools and abrasives (Collon 2001: 20–1). These styles have only the most general chronological significance.

  The dating of Neo‐Assyrian cylinder seals is complicated by the lack of sealed tablets prior to the end of the ninth century BCE and by the fact that most Neo‐Assyrian seals are not inscribed. Certain subjects in the linear style, such as the king with bow and bowl pouring a libation and figures flanking a sacred tree under a winged disk, are assigned to the ninth century on the basis of parallels with the Kalḫu palace reliefs. Further evidence that the linear style was current in the ninth century is provided by the presence of linear style seals in level IVB at Hasanlu, Iran, which was destroyed around 800 BCE (Marcus 1996: xxvii, 43–4, 114–18, plates 18–19). Impressions of linear style seals are rarely found on seventh century tablets, indicating that these seals were no longer used at that time. However, seals in the drilled, cut, and modeled styles were used throughout the Neo‐Assyrian period (Herbordt 1998–2001: 265–7).

  Herbordt prefers to categorize Neo‐Assyrian seals on the basis of subject (1998–2001: 268; for a similar approach and many illustrations, see Collon 2001). She observes that the seal subjects fall into two general categories, ritual scenes and hunting scenes, and that within these categories it is possible to detect chronological trends.

  One of the earliest types of ritual subjects, evidently inspired by ninth century palace reliefs and appearing mainly on linear style seals of the ninth to eighth centuries, shows the king pouring a libation, either standing holding a bow or seated. He faces an offering table, on the other side of which stands a courtier holding a fan. As on the reliefs in Rooms G and H in the Northwest Palace at Kalḫu, these images presumably express the king’s roles of high priest and military leader (Moortgat 1966: nos. 660, 665, 668–72; Collon 2001: nos. 104–25). A related subject appears somewhat later on drilled/cut/modeled hard stone seals from the late ninth through mid‐eighth centuries. These show a worshipper facing a standing god or gods, who usually stand on or with their identifying attributes. Some of these seals are carved with an inscription identifying the owner as an officer or limmu‐official. It is intriguing that although these high officials owe their positions to the king, they show themselves receiving their authority directly from the gods (Moortgat 1966: nos. 595–600; Collon 1988: 77, nos. 342–4, 554; 2001: nos. 235–56; Herbordt 1998–2001: 267–9).

  Two ritual subjects were used throughout the three centuries of Neo‐Assyrian rule. One of these, again probably inspired by ninth century palace reliefs, shows two worshippers and/or composite figures flanking a stylized tree, usually with a winged disk above. In ninth century examples, these are usually winged bird‐headed anthromorphic figures, while in the seventh century they are more likely to be fish‐cloaked figures or bull men who stand to either side of the tree and support a winged disk with their upraised arms (Moortgat 1966: nos. 606, 673, 675, 677‐8, 749; Collon 2001: nos. 151–63, 173–82). The other long‐lasting ritual subject is a worshipper standing before an enthroned deity, usually a goddess, with an offering table or incense stand between them. By the seventh century, the figure of the deity in these scenes has often been replaced with its divine symbol, and this is also a favorite subject of seventh century stamp seals (Moortgat 1966: nos. 654, 655, 659; Collon 2001: nos. 125‐6, 129, 133–47, 168–71, 225–9, 233, 257–9, 269–84, 389–92; Herbordt 1998–2001: 268–9).

  In the category of battle and hunting scenes, one of the early subjects is contests between animals or hybrids, with no humans present, presumably inspired by Middle Assyrian glyptic. This subject is common in the linear style, but rare in dated impressions of the eighth to seventh centuries (Moortgat 1966: nos. 647, 649–51; Collon 2001: nos. 54–81). A related subject, which is first attested in the mid‐eighth century and becomes the most popular contest subject during the latter part of the empire, is a heraldic composition showing a genius subduing two animals or hybrid creatures. The only animal not shown in these scenes is the lion, as combat with lions is reserved for the king (Moortgat 1966: no. 733; Collon 2001: nos. 324–86; Herbordt 1998–2001: 269).

  Two subjects that occur in both the linear and drilled/cut/modeled styles and run throughout the Neo‐Assyrian period are a figure with mace or scimitar fighting an animal or hybrid creature, and an archer – kneeling (mainly on stone seals) or standing (mainly on faience seals) – aiming at an animal or hybrid (Moortgat 1966: nos. 639–45, 696–700; Collon 2001: nos. 14–37, 47–53, 294–323). A very common and highly standardized version of the latter subject shows a standing archer fighting a horned serpent‐dragon. This variant occurs exclusively in faience, is so standardized as to appear mass‐produced, and is found throughout the empire during all of the Neo‐Assyrian period (Moortgat 1966: nos. 689–93; Collon 2001: nos. 41–3; Herbordt 1998–2001: 269).

  Although stamp seals are not common in the ninth century, th
e apparent prestige attached to the type is attested by its use for the Assyrian royal seal from the time of Shalmaneser III through to the end of the empire. With minor variations, the motif remained the same throughout the entire period: framed by a border of a guilloche or dots, the king grasps a rampant lion by its mane while stabbing it with a sword. By the middle of the eighth century stamp seals were in use simultaneously with cylinder seals, and by the seventh century stamp seals predominate on both tablets and closures (Herbordt 1992: Taf. 34–6; 1998–2001: 267, 270–1, Abb. 6–7; Jakob‐Rost and Gerlach 1997: 64–103).

  Some common cylinder seal subjects also occur on stamp seals, for example scenes with a stylized tree, which, in addition to the usual genies or worshippers, often feature bull men who stand to either side of the tree and support a winged disk with their upraised arms. Other subjects found on both cylinder and stamp seals include a worshipper in front of an enthroned deity, and a worshipper in front of symbols. The latter is attested on tablets from the time of Sargon II onward, and includes the lunar crescent standard, a deity in a lunar crescent, the lightning bolt, and the stylus of Nabû, sometimes beside the spade of Marduk (Herbordt 1992: Taf. 13, 14; 1998–2001: 269–70).

  Other common cylinder seal subjects, however, are relatively rarely represented on stamp seals. These include combats, which account for about half of Neo‐Assyrian cylinder seal images, and the wide range of gods, genies, and composite creatures represented on Neo‐Assyrian cylinder seals. Conversely, some subjects that rarely appear in cylinder seals are common in stamp seals. For example, the dominant subject in Neo‐Assyrian stamp seals is symbols of astral deities, shown either individually or combined, including the winged sun, crescent moon, star of Ištar, and the seven stars. Nearly as common are representations of animals, primarily cattle, goats, and birds, either individually or in antithetical pairs. Subjects that first appear in Neo‐Assyrian stamp seals and then carry into the Neo‐Babylonian and Achaemenid periods include a hero fighting an upright ox, an ox underneath symbols, and two birds flanking a conical symbol (Herbordt 1992: Taf. 10–12, 15–17; 1998–2001: 269–70).

  Stamp seals of officials may be identified on the basis of where they were used – on clay sealings in the Southwest Palace at Nineveh – as well as their high quality and the presence of a border in the form of a guilloche or dots, similar to the border on the royal seal. Subjects include motifs that do not appear on private seals, such as an ear of grain and a ziggurat. Of particular interest is the motif of the scorpion, which is associated with the queen and her household. Other subjects express status by including an image of the king, either with an official and rearing horse or stag, or together with the queen facing a deity, with a scorpion in the field above (Herbordt 1992: Taf. 20, 32:3–5, 33; 1998–2001: 271).

  Ivories

  Huge numbers of carved ivory inlays and ornaments have been excavated at Kalḫu, and lesser numbers occur at most other major Assyrian sites. The great majority of these objects are carved in Levantine styles, evidently brought to Assyria as booty and tribute, and are beyond the scope of this chapter. A minority, however, are clearly carved in what Herrmann terms the Assyrian “tradition,” characterized by subjects and forms similar to those on the palace reliefs, incised in a linear technique on thin plaques of ivory that must originally have been inlaid into wooden furniture (Mallowan and Davies 1970: 1–8; Herrmann 1997). While the Levantine ivories were found concentrated in storage areas, indicating that the imported furniture they adorned was warehoused, the Assyrian ivories were mostly found in the contexts in which they were used. For example, ivory plaques incised with scenes of tribute and military campaigns were found in Aššurnaṣirpal’s throne room (B), paralleling the subjects on the wall reliefs in that room. The horizontal and vertical formats of these plaques would have been appropriate as inlays for a throne, which would then have expressed the same message of power as did the surrounding reliefs. Similarly, both the reliefs and ivories from the outer courtyard (E) depict the delivery of tribute. Even in cases where Assyrian ivories were found in rooms that lacked wall decoration, such as the Nabû temple and Fort Shalmaneser, it was clear from the architecture that these were administrative or ceremonial spaces, which served as the primary use context for the inlaid furniture. Such parallels led Herrmann to suggest that the decorative program of major public spaces was not confined solely to the wall reliefs, but extended to the furniture as well.

  Jewelry and personal accessories

  From 1988 to 1990, excavations at Kalḫu by the Iraq State Organization for Antiquities and Heritage under the direction of Muzahim Mahmud Hussein uncovered four intact vaulted brick tombs beneath the floors of rooms in the domestic wing of the palace of Aššurnaṣirpal II (Damerji 1999: Abb 7; Curtis et al. 2008: plans 4b, 5). Three of the tombs contained large quantities of gold jewelry and personal accessories of unparalleled workmanship, and two of these included inscriptions identifying their original occupants as Assyrian queens. Unfortunately, the news of these major discoveries was soon overshadowed by the Iraq–Kuwait crisis of 1990, and after little more than a year on display in the Iraq Museum, the jewelry was placed in storage and has remained inaccessible for viewing or study. Although a general description of the contents of each tomb is available, the objects they contained have not been fully published nor analyzed for technical and stylistic characteristics that might point to their places of origin. In consequence, while we may admire photographs of selected objects, we do not yet understand the stylistic range of the entire corpus from each tomb or what these objects tell us about the social and political interactions of their time.

  Many of the objects from the tombs were published photographically in Hussein and Suleiman (2000), which however suffers from poor reproduction quality and is hard to find. A small selection of the most striking pieces were published in high‐quality illustrations in Damerji (1999). A summary of the finds is Oates and Oates (2001: 78–89), with further specialized studies on some categories of finds in Curtis et al. (2008). Hussein et al. (2016) provides excellent photos and short descriptions of most of the artifacts from the tombs.

  Only a general description of each tomb will be given here. For convenience of reference, the excavators numbered the tombs I to IV, based on the sequence of their discovery. All four were constructed of baked bricks and had the same general layout: an entrance shaft led to an antechamber connected to a vaulted burial chamber (Figure 24.10). This is the standard layout for Neo‐Assyrian intramural vaulted tombs – dozens of similar examples were excavated beneath the floors of Neo‐Assyrian houses at Ashur (Haller 1954: 97–169). These tombs are designed so that they can easily be reopened to add new burials, and many of the examples at Ashur were evidently family tombs, containing multiple individuals.

  Figure 24.10 Kalḫu (modern Nimrud), Northwest Palace, Tomb II, view of entrance in 1989.

  Source: author.

  Here the tombs are discussed in order of increasing complexity of the burials they contained. Tomb IV was in the innermost room in a small, self‐contained residential suite (rooms 71–2) located just inside the south entrance of the palace (Hussein and Suleiman 2000: 129–33, pics. 201–22; Hussein 2008: 83–7; Oates and Oates 2001: plan, fig. 33; Curtis et al. 2008: plans 4b, 5). Unlike the other three tombs, it was built of uninscribed bricks with no traces of asphalt to suggest reused bricks. The preserved remains and grave goods seemed to belong to a single individual. The body, which had apparently disintegrated except for the teeth, was in a terracotta coffin in the vaulted burial chamber. There was less gold jewelry in this tomb than in the other three tombs, but it did contain luxurious grave goods that appeared to be undisturbed. The objects in the coffin included two stone stamp seals in gold settings, an earring and elaborate finger ring of gold, and four silver fibulae, all located in the positions where they would have been worn, as well as a copper mirror, silver eye‐pencil(?), and three elaborately‐decorated silver bowls. Vessels of pottery, copper, and
stone were placed on the floor beside the head end of the coffin, as well as in wall niches at both ends of the burial chamber. A glazed pottery figurine of a bearded horseman, apparently found in the coffin, may indicate that the deceased was male and may therefore explain the absence of large quantities of gold jewelry, which was associated with females in the other tombs.

  Tomb I was beneath the floor at the north end of room MM, a large inner room at the east side of the domestic wing (Hussein and Suleiman 2000: 95–100, pics. 1–18; Damerji 2008: 81; Curtis et al. 2008: plans 4b, 5). Inscribed bricks of Aššurnaṣirpal II and Shalmaneser III were built into its brickwork, and the excavator believed these had been reused (Shalmaneser III: Hussein and Suleiman 2000: 96; Aššurnaṣirpal II: Harrak 1990: 7; and personal observation). The vaulted chamber of this tomb contained a single burial, a woman in her early fifties, interred in a terracotta coffin together with vessels of copper and silver and large quantities of gold jewelry found in the positions where they would have been worn on the body. In the antechamber was a second terracotta sarcophagus containing the body of a second female, also around fifty years old, but no grave goods. It seems likely that this body represents a later reuse of the tomb. There was no inscription to suggest the identity of either individual.

  Tomb II, by contrast, included objects inscribed with the names of three queens, but contained only two bodies (Damerji 1999; Hussein and Suleiman 2000: 101–11; Damerji 2008: 81–2; Curtis et al. 2008: plans 4b, 5). It nearly filled the space beneath the floor of room 49, a small room located just south of the king’s residential suite (rooms S and X). The masonry incorporated Shalmaneser III inscribed bricks, sometimes coated with bitumen on the faces and ends, perhaps indicating that they had ben reused (personal observation). A niche in the wall of the antechamber held a stone tablet that identified the owner as Yaba, queen of Tiglath‐pileser III, and placed curses of eternal thirst and restlessness upon anyone who disturbed her burial or placed another body with hers. Inscribed objects in the burial chamber belonged to Yaba, as well as two other queens: Banitu, queen of a king Shalmaneser, and Atalia, queen of Sargon II. Banitu’s husband is usually identified with Shalmaneser V, but the inscriptions include no royal genealogy, so he could be the fourth or even third king of that name (Tracy Spurrier, personal communication). It has also been suggested that “Banitu” was the Akkadian version of the West Semitic name “Yaba” and that both names referred to the same queen (see below).