Lokmanya Tilak

by A K Bhagwat

  When delegates started for the Surat Congress, the minds of some of them were full of misgivings, a few of them looked forward to heated debates and many were rather bewildered, not knowing what would be the dictates of their party-bosses. The delegates from C.P. and Berar had a deep sense of being mortified as the honour of holding the Congress Session was snatched from them. The followers of Aurobindo from Bengal had the memories of the Midnapore District Conference fresh in their minds and the radicals from Maharashtra and Punjab were enraged at the moderates for not making Lala Lajpat Rai the President. The moderates were a little elated owing to their success so far, trusted the diplomatic talents of Pherozshah Mehta and felt that their victory was almost a certainty owing to the overwhelming support at Surat. The moderates called the nationalists ‘turbulent and impatient upstarts,’ whereas the nationalists called the moderates ‘reactionary, loyalist, power-seekers.’ The dispute really arose from the difference in the attitude to the resolutions passed at the Calcutta Congress. Pherozshah Mehta and Gokhale wanted to tone down the resolutions and put a stop to the growing agitational tendencies by emphasising the constitutional methods. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the moderate leader, accepted the resolutions on Swadeshi and national education, but was opposed to the resolution on boycott. In fact the resolution on boycott was an eyesore to almost all the moderates because it struck at the very root of their constitutional methods and appeared to be the beginning of the programme of direct action against the British Government. The nationalists felt that going back on the resolutions on Swadeshi, boycott, and national education would be the death-knell of the new movement and would convert the Congress into a loyalist organisation. The Bengal-nationalists were particularly militant, because these resolutions had grown out of the struggle against Bengal partition and owing to this even the moderates from Bengal differed from the moderates elsewhere. Swadeshi, boycott and national education had become indivisible aspects of the life of Bengal and in Maharashtra Tilak had made these three movements a matter of faith. There were shades of differences even among the moderates. Pherozshah Mehta was a diehard moderate, who did not want the Congress to go beyond passing resolutions and who had opposed ‘the support to Swadeshi at some sacrifice.’ Gokhale held different views on Swadeshi, and though he did not oppose boycott with the fervour of Pherozshah Mehta, he felt that it should be confined to Bengal.

  Dr. Rash Bihari Ghosh was not opposed to Swadeshi, boycott and national education. In fact he had donated very generously to the cause of national education and was the vice-president of the All-India Board for National Education. He had not, however, withdrawn his name in favour of Lajpat Rai in spite of repeated requests from Tilak. Lala Lajpat Rai, on the other hand, yielded to the telegrams from Pherozshah Mehta and Gokhale and withdrew from the contest.

  The Reception Committee had entrusted the work of drafting the resolutions to Gokhale but till the commencement of the Congress Session, no draft was published. On 16th December a list of the subjects which would be brought up for discussion before the open session, was published and curiously enough Swadeshi, boycott and national education were not included in that list. This intensified the suspicions that the moderates wanted to get the resolutions passed at the Calcutta session modified.

  Though it was a contest between the moderates and the nationalists, people of the Bombay Presidency from both sections had a leading part in it as the session was to be held at Surat. In some respects therefore it appeared to be a struggle between Pherozshah Mehta and Tilak. Pherozshah Mehta wielded great influence over the people of Surat and in order to ensure their full support he sent Ambalal Desai, a moderate leader of Gujarat, and Ali Mohmad Bhimjee from Bombay, a forceful speaker. Tilak was conscious of the onslaught of the moderates and planned his own moves. The nationalists camped at Surat one week before the session and Dadasaheb Khaparde of Amraoti was entrusted with the work of propaganda. Khaparde’s mastery over the Gujarati language was a great asset to him. Tilak’s choice, therefore, naturally fell on him. Khaparde was a very eloquent speaker, with a rare sense of humour and a gift for quick retorts. It was a treat to listen to him and the public meetings which he addressed every evening were very largely attended. Tilak arrived at Surat on 23rd December. He was given a tremendous ovation. All the streets were decorated and a private troop of horsemen led the procession. Tilak addressed a meeting of over four thousand people the same evening. He said, “I do not want to pick up quarrels or to split the Congress. There is no cause for a split. Who would be benefited by leaving the Congress and by establishing a rival institution? But I am determined to prevent as far as possible the retrograde step of going back on the resolutions passed at Calcutta. The banner of the New Party is held aloft, to strengthen and intensify the fight against the government and not to weaken the Congress. Those who hold the rein of power in the Congress have declared their intention of repudkting the resolutions of the Calcutta Congress. I request the people of Surat to help me in preventing this undesirable move.” On the next day, an anonymous leaflet was printed and circulated in which it was alleged that Tilak had defamed Gujarati society in the Kesari, Tilak while addressing a mammoth public meeting challenged the mischievous circular and declared, “The charge should either be proved or the writer of the circular should apologise to me.”

  On the 24th morning, Lala Lajpat Rai reached Surat. He was also given a grand reception. The volunteers pulled Lalaji’s carriage and at a number of places he was garlanded. He stood in the carriage, returning people’s warm salutations and was almost buried in the heap of garlands. This honour done to Lajpat Rai, who was only recently released, was a crushing answer to the British bureaucracy and convincing proof of the great love which people had for all those who suffered for the country’s cause.

  Ironically enough, in spite of the preparations by moderates, Dr. Rash Bihari Ghosh’s arrival at Surat was celebrated in a comparatively tame manner.

  On 24th December the Nationalist Party held its conference under the Presidentship of Babu Aurobindo Ghosh. Over 400 delegates were present. Tilak and Aurobindo explained the aims and objects of the New Party and Aurobindo remarked that it was not a conference of one party, because owing to the historic task that the New Party had undertaken, all parties would ultimately merge with it. The conference appointed office-bearers for some specific jobs in the Congress Session. Next day a meeting of the delegates and the office-bearers was held, at which the spokesmen of the different provinces expressed their points of view. The main trend of the decisions was that all avenues might be explored so as to arrive at a compromise on the controversial issues. It was also decided that a compromise could be arrived at if the mode rates consented not to modify the Calcutta resolutions and if a compromise was not arrived at till the last moment, an amendment to the resolution proposing Rash Bihari’s name for presidentship, should be moved. A small committee was appointed to make efforts for this compromise.

  Political life, looked at from a distance, affords much entertainment, particularly when two parties are engaged in a battle for capturing an institution. Partisans go on fanatically advocating their views and try to pull the neutrals in their direction. At Surat similar sights were witnessed when at the delegates’ camps, the contending parties were defending their respective points of view with great fervour and attacking the opponents’ point of view with great vehemence. The tension of such movements is slighdy relieved by eccentric persons. Shri N. C. Kelkar in his account of the Surat Congress mentioned one Mr. Ramaswami, who was eccentricity incarnate. Dressed in a dhoti verging on the borders of a loin-cloth, and a coat half unbuttoned, Ramaswami was distributing leaflets in the delegates’ camp all day and night. He had no head-dress and his completely bald head attracted the attention of everyone. Ramaswami’s tongue wagged with tremendous speed and no stenotypist would have been able to take down his words which rushed forth like a river in spate.

  There was also much kite-flying, and ru
mours of different kinds were afloat. Every personal action of the leaders was interpreted in political terms and if two erstwhile friends, now in opposite camps, exchanged a few friendly remarks, word went round that the compromise was arrived at. The next moment when they parted, it would be immediately whispered that the compromise had broken down.

  Lala Lajpat Rai acted as a mediator between the moderates and the nationalists. An assurance was given by the nationalist leaders that if the moderates did not insist on going back on the Calcutta resolutions, Tilak would not move his amendment to the resolution for the President’s election. Surendranath Banerjee, the veteran moderate leader, felt that much of what the nationalists said during the talks for compromise, deserved consideration and sent for Malvi, the Chairman of the Reception Committee, but for one reason or the other, Malvi was not available.

  The Storm Bursts

  The session was scheduled to begin at 12 noon, but owing to the unexpected death of a Sindhi delegate, it was postponed to 2.30 p.m. The atmosphere was tense and as different leaders came in the pandal, one by one, they got a mixed reception of cheers from their own party and jeering from the opposite camp. There was clapping, hissing, contemptuous laughter, shouts of Bande Mataram — different reactions to different leaders. Moderate delegates also participated in this immoderate display of sentiments.

  Malvi, the Chairman of the Reception Committee, spoke first, welcoming the delegates. His speech was excessively long, but all listened to him patiently. The storm began when Diwan Bahadur Ambalal Desai rose to propose the name of Dr. Rash Bihari Ghosh. So frequent were the interruptions that it was with great difficulty that he could finish his speech. But when Surendranath Banerjee rose to speak, there was a great disturbance. Surendranath was a very fine speaker and a revered leader. On this occasion, however, he was looked upon as a partisan. Many writers who write on the incient hold the nationalist party solely responsible for it and also insinuate that all the leaders were in the know of things. As a matter of fact Tilak did not expect any such disturbance. The younger section among the nationalists had planned to disturb the speakers, without Tilak’s knowledge. In this respect Shri Aurobindo’s private letter clears up the whole issue. He wrote: “History very seldom records the things that were decisive but took place behind the veil; it records the shown front of the curtain. Very few people know that it was I (without consulting Tilak) who gave the order that led to the breaking of the Congress....” Dr. Munje in his reminiscences of Tilak has corroborated Aurobindo’s statement. He wrote: “On the first day of the Congress, Surendranath Banerjee was heckled and was not allowed to speak. We had no idea of heckling him. But the Bengali people first shouted ‘Midnapur Traitor’ and we joined loudly in making a row. When after the session was adjourned we went to our headquarters, Tilak was very angry with us for making the noise and sternly told us, “Tomorrow, you must be calm like stones.” The events at the District Conference at Midnapur had led to much bitterness among the moderates and nationalists of Bengal and had considerably lowered Surendra Babu’s popularity among the younger section. The young Bengalis therefore had taken the lead in heckling him when he started supporting Rash Bihari’s name for presidentship. Surendranath stood on the table and raised his voice to the highest in order to drown all disturbance, but it was of no avail. Malvi, the Chairman of the Reception Committee, constantly rang the bell to bring order. N. C. Kelkar writes about this, in his inimitable style: “Malvi rang the bell so often that a visitor attending the meeting on the first occasion might have formed the impression that in India it was customary to ring the bell as an accompaniment to the speech.” Malvi rang more loudly than a hawker in the street. Pandemonium reigned at the meeting with people shouting at the top of their voice asking others not to shout. In the din that was created the moderates showed that in shouting at least they were no moderates. This confusion went on for ten minutes and at last Malvi in consultation with others on the stage, adjourned the meeting. Some people refused to leave the pandal. Others waited to see that the proceedings did not start before they left. After some time, people vacated the place, each one interpreting the events in his own way.

  The Aftermath: Tilak’s Analysis and Attitude

  Sometimes a minor clash is helpful in bringing people together and sometimes it aggravates feelings and widens the gulf between the contending parties. The result of the disturbance on the first day of the Congress was unfortunately the latter. Though instructions were issued by leaders of the moderates as well as of the nationalists to the rank and file asking them not to interrupt anybody’s speech, it was evident that neither the leader nor the followers of either party were hopeful about the result of the session. In fact a major section of the moderates wanted the differences to come to a spearhead so that there would be a split and the Congress would get rid of the nationalist menace once and for all. Tilak was of the opinion that a split was not desirable, though he would never compromise the principles he was fighting for. He made efforts for a conciliation till 2.30 p.m. on Thursday, and tried to see Malvi, the Chairman of the Reception Committee. He was informed, however, that Malvi was engaged in his daily ritual.

  Shri Ogale, the Editor of Maharashtra at Nagpur, has given a faithful picture of the events and has clearly brought out Tilak’s attitude during the crisis. He wrote: “The young men of the nationalist camp did not like that Malvi had refused to see Tilak with die excuse that he was engaged in his daily worship. We could not tolerate this insult to our revered leaders and we, therefore, decided to acquaint them with our feelings. I said to Lokmanya, ‘Yesterday many of us met. Our opinion was that the radicals did not want a truce.... I have therefore been represented to convey to you the humble request that you should not make efforts for conciliation.’ No sooner had I said this than Lokmanya angrily burst out, ‘You say that I should not try for a settlement. What then do you people from Berar and Nagpur intend to do? Do you want to fight? Or to break heads? If so, there is no need for a settlement. Decide it like that and I should lead you with my staff. Have it your way.’ His voice was raised with anger and he looked at me with a fierce gaze. I never expected so angry a reply.... Half a minute passed in this manner. And then Lokmanya cooled down. He came near me and in a subdued persuasive tone said, ‘Settlement or no settlement, we must try for it. I don’t care even if I am insulted. Work is of supreme importance. If it succeeds through my insult, I shall not feel the insult. I am not begging for settlement for my private work. This is the work for our nation and it does not matter even if I am humiliated a thousand times in doing it. You also need not bother about it. I am strong enough to bear all the insults. In our dispute with the moderates we shall press our points as far as possible, but it is no use stretching it to the breaking point. Our real quarrel is with the government, not with the moderates. A settlement with them, therefore, is desirable.”

  Tilak knew that his efforts would not bear fruit. He, however, felt that it was necessary not to allow the rowdy element to take control of the situation. He therefore decided to take on himself the responsibility of opposing the resolution for the election of Dr. Rash Bihari Ghosh as the president. And he also decided, instead of opposing the name of Dr. Ghosh, to move an adjournment motion and to incorporate in the body of the resolution a suggestion to appoint a committee to devise a scheme for compromise. It can thus be seen that Tilak was keen on avoiding a split and did not want people to be swayed by sentiments. In taking this line, he knew that he would incur the displeasure of the extremists led by Aurobindo but he was confident that he would be able to convince them of the justness of his action, believing full well that a leader has to shoulder a twofold responsibility of arousing people and at the same time of controlling them. Moreover Tilak made a difference between the tactics adopted to fight the government and those adopted to fight the moderates. In opposing the government one had perforce to be harsh and unyielding; while in opposing the latter, one could not afford to be so. He, th
erefore, decided not to oppose the name of Dr. Rash Bihari Ghosh direcdy, for he argued that such an action would be misconstrued by his opponents and would give an unfortunate turn to an already delicate situation.

  Two very unfortunate factors have vitiated the social and political life in India, viz. casteism and provincialism. When a person cannot be opposed on an ideological plane, some of his opponents always drag either of these factors in the controversy and public opinion is swayed, in the most irrational manner. Some of Tilak’s opponents who should have opposed his views thought it easier to resort to the method of appealing to irrational sentiments and therefore on Thursday night once again an anonymous circular was distributed in which it was alleged that Tilak had carried on a malicious campaign against Gujaratis and had called them impotent. A reference was made to the fact that Shivaji had looted Surat and Tilak wanted to repeat history and deprive the citizens of Surat of their honour.

  The reception committee anticipated trouble and took the decision that offence was the best defence. They had, therefore, placed some sailors and goondas in the pandal from Friday morning. The police too were informed.

  The atmosphere was tense, and the delegates felt that they were sitting at the mouth of a volcano. There was apparendy calm, but it was merely the calm before die storm. Till 1 p.m. the pandal was packed to capacity. The business of the meeting commenced with the speech of Surendranath Banerjee. He requested people to forget the unpleasant happenings on the previous day. There were no interruptions and for a time the clouds appeared to have disappeared. Surendranath Banerjee had seconded the resolution for the president’s election and it was about to be put to vote. Tilak had sent his amendment to the Chairman of the reception committee and Malvi should have called upon Tilak to move it. But when he appeared to have set it aside, Tilak without waiting to be called, started climbing the steps of the dais. When the volunteers tried to stop him he brushed them aside, went up to the dais and started addressing the meeting. At this stage, Dr. Rash Bihari Ghosh, rose and said that he was duly proposed and elected as the President and was about to begin reading his speech. Tilak interrupted him and said, “You have not yet been elected. I have come here to move an amendment to the proposed resolution.” This was the igniting spark and in a moment the suppressed wrath of different people burst into flames. There were cries of “Yes,” “No,” “Sit down,” “Go on,” “Go to hell” and the like. Someone on the dais said, “Tilak, get down from the dais.” Let Nevinson describe the scene further: