A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy

by Wing-Tsit Chan

  23--See above, ch. 28, sec. 1.

  24--Commentary in Huang-chi ching-shih shu, 8B:23b.

  25--The Chinese term for a priori existence literally means existence preceding Heaven. According to Yu Pen (1482-1529), Huang-chi-ching-shih shih-i (Explanation of the Meanings of the Supreme Principles Governing the World), 1934 ed., 2:74a, it means existence before things came into existence.

  26--The Chinese word ch’eng means not only sincerity in the ordinary sense, but also absence of fault, seriousness, being true to one’s real self, being true to the nature of things, actuality, and realness.

  27--The Mean, ch. 21.

  28--Paraphrasing The Mean, ch. 14.

  CHANG TSAI’S PHILOSOPHY OF MATERIAL FORCE

  1--Chang was son of a prefect. At twenty-one he wrote to and then saw the outstanding scholar official, Fan Chung-yen (989-1052), who told him to study the Doctrine of the Mean. This started his search from Confucianism through Buddhism and Taoism and back to Confucianism. He obtained a “presented scholar” degree in 1057 and was appointed a magistrate. In 1069 he pleased the emperor with his orthodox Confucian answers to questions on government and was appointed a collator in the imperial library. But he disapproved of the radical reforms of Wang An-shih, and eventually resigned. In 1077 he was a director of the board of imperial sacrifices but was unhappy and resigned. He became sick and died on his way home. See Sung shih (History of the Sung Dynasty, 960-1279), PNP, 427:15b-18b and Bruce, Chu Hsi and His Masters, pp. 50-52.

  2--This is originally part of ch. 17 of the Cheng-meng. It was inscribed on the west window of Chang’s lecture hall. There are several European translations, including an English version by Bodde, in Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 2, pp. 493-495. The Chang Tzu ch’üan-shu (Complete Works of Master Chang), sppy, is used in this and the following translations.

  3--For treating the young, the crippled, etc., see Mencius, 1A:7, 1B:5.

  4--Cf. The Mean, ch. 19.

  5--Quoting Odes, ode no. 256. The recesses refer to the northwest corner, the darkest in the house.

  6--Founder of the Hsia dynasty (r. 2183–2175 b.c.?). The story refers to Mencius, 4B:20.

  7--The story is found in the Tso chuan (Tso’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals), Duke Yin, 1st year. See Legge, trans., Ch’un Ts’ew, p. 4.

  8--Legendary sage-emperor (3rd millennium b.c.). The story refers to Mencius, 4A:28.

  9--Heir-apparent of the state of Chin who committed suicide because he was falsely accused of attempting to poison his father, Duke Hsien (r. 676–651 b.c.). See Book of Rites, “T’an-kung,” pt. 1 (Legge, trans., Li Ki, vol. 1, pp. 126-127).

  10--Tseng Tzu (505-C.436 b.c.), pupil of Confucius, was well known for his filial piety. In the Book of Filial Piety (Hsiao ching), falsely attributed to him, it is said, “Our bodies—to every hair and bit of skin—are received by us from our parents, and we must not presume to injure or wound them.” See Makre, trans., Hsiao King, p. 3.

  11--Yin Po-ch’i was a ninth century b.c. prince. He obediently accepted his father’s expulsion of him at the instigation of his stepmother who wanted her own son to be the crown prince. See annotation on the eulogy at the end of ch. 79 of the Ch’ien-Han shu (History of the Former Han dynasty, 206 b.c.–a.d. 8).

  12--Chang Tzu ch’üan-shu, 15:1b.

  13--ibid., 15:1a.

  14--Kuei-shan yü-lu (Recorded Sayings of Yang Shih), sptk, 3:28a.

  15--See above, comment on ch. 21, sec. 2.

  16--Mencius, 7A:45; Yang Shih, Kuei-shan yü-lu, 2:18b.

  17--See above, ch. 3, comment on Mencius, Additional Selections, 3B:9.

  18--I-ch’uan wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works by Ch’eng I), 5:12b, in eccs. See below, ch. 32, sec. 2.

  19--ibid., 1:9b.

  20--Kuei-shan yü-lu, 2:18b.

  21--Chu Hsi’s commentary on the “Western Inscription,” Chang Tzu ch’üan-shu, 1:7a.

  22--ibid., 1:8a.

  23--See Chan, “The Evolution of the Confucian Concent of Jen,’’ Philosophy East and West, 4 (1955), 305-308. Also see below, ch. 34, comment on treatise 1; ch. 31, secs. 1 and 11; ch. 32, sec. 42; ch. 40, Introduction.

  24--This book is in seventeen chapters. There are many commentaries on it by prominent Neo-Confucianists. Some selected passages have been translated in de Harlez, L’École philosophique moderne de la Chine, pp. 36-76, and in Graf. Djin-si lu, passim. See above, n.2.

  25--For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.

  26--Duke Chou (d. 1044 b.c.) was greatly praised by Confucius. See Analects, 8:11.

  27--For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.

  28--Chang Po-hsing’s commentary on the Cheng-meng in Chang Heng-ch’ü chi (Collected Works of Chang Tsai), Cheng-i-t’ang ch’üan-shu (Complete Library of the Hall of Rectifying the Way) ed., 2:4a.

  29--Paraphrasing Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, “Appended Remarks,” p. 354.

  30--ibid., pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, p. 393.

  31--Chuang Tzu, ch. 1, nhcc, 1:2b. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 27.

  32--For Chu Hsi’s criticism of this idea, see below, ch. 34, sec. 80.

  33--Hsün Tzu did use the term hsü but he used it to describe a state of mind (Hsün Tzu, ch. 21, sptk, 15:7b. See Dubs, trans., Works of Hsüntze, p. 267).

  34--Chang Tzu ch’üan-shu, 2:1a.

  35--ibid., 2:1b.

  36--For a discussion of these terms, see Appendix. See also secs. 11 and 56.

  37--The word ch’eng means more than sincerity in the ordinary sense. It means absence of fault, seriousness, being true to one’s nature and the nature of things, actuality, reality, etc.

  38--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, p. 353.

  39--Chu Hsi is followed in this interpretation.

  40--Changes, ibid., ch. 12. Cf. Legge, p. 377.

  41--ibid., pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, p. 389.

  42--Paraphrasing ibid., pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, p. 354.

  43--ibid., ch. 5. Cf. Legge, pp. 355, 357.

  44--Generally referring to physical forms and specifically referring to the Four Secondary Forms or Modes variously identified as Metal, Wood, Water, and Fire, or yin, yang, strength, and weakness, or major and minor yang and major and minor yin.

  45--According to ancient beliefs, the appearance of these mystical birds is a good omen that right principles are going to triumph in the world. See History, “I and Chi.” Cf. Legge, trans., Shoo King, p. 88. Confucius said, “The Phoenix does not come. It is all over with me.” (Analects, 9:8)

  46--This phrase is derived from The Mean, ch. 21.

  47--The term liang-chih is from Mencius, 7B:15. It means native knowledge of the good.

  48--See also sec. 59.

  49--The interpretation here follows Wang Fu-chih, Chang Tzu cheng-meng chu (Commentary on the Correcting Youthful Ignorance by Master Chang), 3:6b, in Ch’uan-shan i-shu (Surviving Works of Wang Fu-chih), 1933 ed. Liu Chi (fl. 1513), however, did not contrast Heaven and man so sharply. To him Heaven meant principle as it originally is and man meant imperfect realization of principle. See his Cheng-meng hui-kao (Commentary on the Correcting Youthful Ignorance Drafted at a Meeting), Hsi-yin-hisen ts’ung-shu (Hall of Being-Careful-with-Time Collection) ed., 2:6b.

  50--Ch’eng means both being real and being sincere.

  51--The Mean, ch. 25.

  52--ibid., ch. 21.

  53--ibid.

  54--According to Chiang Yung (1681-1762), the obstruction means that one only thinks of himself. See his Chin-ssu lu chi-chu (Collected Commentaries on the Reflections on Things at Hand), sppy, 1:17b.

  55--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 12. Cf. Legge, p. 405.

  56--Mencius, 7A:15.

  57--Wang Fu-chih, Chang Tzu cheng-meng chu, 3:10b.

  58--Cf. Analects, 14:24.

  59--Just what “the two” are is not clear. As Huang Po-chia (fl. 1695) has pointed out, scholars fro
m Chu Hsi down have found this puzzling. Huang understood “the two” in the sense of destiny, on the one hand, and nature, on the other. That is, despite the inequalities in men’s destinies, everyone can fulfill his destiny if he fully develops his nature, since it is the embodiment of principle and combines all. See Huang Tsung-hsi (1610-1695), et al., Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an (Anthology and Critical Accounts of the Neo-Confucianists of the Sung and Yüan Dynasties, 960-1368), sppy, 17:20b. According to Liu Chi, the nature combines all principles and the two means multiplicity (Cheng-meng hui-kao, 2:12a). To Li Kuang-ti (1642-1718), “the two” refers to yin and yang, weak and strong, humanity and righteousness. (Cheng-meng chu, or Commentary on the Correcting Youthful Ignorance, Jung-ts’un ch’üan-shu, or Complete Works of Li Kuang-ti ed., 1:46b.) Ch’ien Mu, however, offered probably the best explanation when he said “the two” refers to Great Vacuity and material force, for it is said in sec. 9 that in the unity of these two there is nature. See his “Cheng-meng ta-i fawei” (Revealing the Subtleties of the Great Principles of the Correcting Youthful Ignorance), Ssu-hsiang yü shih-tai (Thought and the Age), 48 (1947), p. 13.

  60--According to Chang Po-hsing’s commentary in Chang Heng-ch’ü chi, 3:6b.

  61--Both quotations in this section are from Analects, 15:28.

  62--Cf. The Mean, ch. 22.

  63--See n.83.

  64--Paraphrasing Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, p. 354.

  65--Mencius, 6A:3.

  66--Cf. The Mean, ch. 14.

  67--Cf. Mencius, 7B:24. Physical nature means the nature of man and things conditioned by the material force and concrete stuff of the universe.

  68--Chu’s commentary on the Cheng-meng, Chang Tzu ch’üan-shu, 2:19a. Also Chu Tzu yü-lei, 4:15a.

  69--See Chan, “The Neo-Confucian Solution to the Problem of Evil,” Studies Presented to Hu Shih on His Sixty-fifth Birthday, pp. 780-783.

  70--Changes, “Appended Remarks” pt. 1, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, p. 356.

  71--Quoting Changes, ibid.

  72--Analects, 12:5.

  73--Analects, 8:18.

  74--See above, ch. 2, comments on Analects, 17:2-3.

  75--Odes, ode no. 241.

  76--ibid., ode no. 235.

  77--Book of Rites, “Confucius at Home at Leisure.” Cf. Legge, trans., Li Ki, vol. 2, p. 271.

  78--The Mean, ch. 33.

  79--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, p. 389.

  80--ibid., ch. 12. Cf. Legge, p. 405.

  81--Mencius, 7A:2. See above, ch. 3, comment on Mencius, Additional Selections, 7A: 1.

  82--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, p. 389.

  83--Chu Hsi’s interpretation. In his commentary, Chu Hsi says t’i-wu here means entering into things, unlike the term in sec. 38 and in The Mean, 16 (see above, ch. 5, n.25), where it means forming the substance of things. Some commentators, Wang Fu-chih, for example, prefer the latter meaning here. Both meanings are possible.

  84--Mencius, 7 A: 1.

  85--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, p. 353.

  86--See Chan’s article noted in n.69.

  87--Confucius’ pupil.

  88--Chuang Tzu, ch. 6, nhcc, 3:23a. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, p. 83.

  THE IDEALISTIC TENDENCY IN CH’ENG HAO

  1--Ch’eng Hao’s courtesy name was Po-ch’un and he was called Master Ming-tao (Illuminating the Way). His father was a chief officer. After he obtained the “presented scholar” degree in 1057, he became a keeper of records (assistant magistrate) and scored a great success in averting a famine by saving the dikes. Later he was a magistrate for three years (1065-1067), brought peace and order, and gained the great affection of the populace. In 1069 he became undersecretary of the heir apparent. Emperor Shen-tsung (r. 1068-1085) gave him a number of audiences and was much impressed with his recommendations. But he strongly opposed Wang An-shih (1021-1086) in his radical reforms. In 1070 he was demoted to be an assistant prefect. In 1078-1080 he was again a magistrate but his political enemies finally had him dismissed. The new emperor, Che-tsung (r. 1086-1093) appointed him a bureau assistant executive, but before he took office he died. See Sung shih (History of the Sung Dynasty, 960-1279), pnp, 247:5a-10a, l-ch’uan wen-chi (see n.21), 7:1a-7a, the introduction to the next chapter, and Bruce, Chu Hsi and His Masters, pp. 41-45.

  2--See below, ch. 32, Introduction.

  3--See above, pp. 122, 131, 202, 260, 269, 318, 323, 326, 412, 415.

  4--Hu Shih (1891-1962), “The Natural Law in the Chinese Tradition,” Natural Law Institute Proceedings, 5 (1953): 119-153.

  5--The Books of History, Odes, Changes, Rites, the Chou-li (Rites of Chou) and the Spring and Autumn Annals. The ancient Six Classics included the Book of Music, now lost, instead of the Chou-li.

  6--I-ch’uan wen-chi, 7:6a. See n.21.

  7--“Record of Music.” See trans, by Legge, Li Ki, ch. 17, p. 96.

  8--Shang-ts’ai yü-lu (Recorded Conversations of Hsien Liang-tso), Cheng-i-t’ang Ch’üan-shu (Complete Library of the Hall of Rectifying the Way) ed., pt. 1, p. 5b, also Wai-shu, 12:4a. (See n.21)

  9--See above, pp. 461-462.

  10--Huang Tsung-hsi (1610-1695) et al., Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an (Anthology and Critical Accounts of the Neo-Confucianists of the Sung and Yüan Dynasties, 960-1368), SPPY, 11:1a.

  11--The term “I-Lo” refers to the I and Lo Rivers in which area Lo-yang is located. Both brothers lived and taught there.

  12--As Graham does. See his Two Chinese Philosophers, pp. 152-168. See my review of it in the Journal of American Oriental Society, 79 (1959), p. 154.

  13--I-shu, 2A:2b, 3:1b; I-ch’uan wen-chi, 7:6a; Ts’ui-yen, 1:24b. See n.21.

  14--For example, I-shu, 2A:2b, 3:1b, 2a, 6:4a, 7:1a, 22A:1b; Wai-shu, 2:4b, 10:4b. See Graham, p. 173, n.38.

  15--I-shu, 6:4a.

  16--For example, I-shu, 2A:4a, 4:3b.

  17--It is mentioned in a preface to Ch’eng I’s I chuan (see n.21), but as Graham has well shown (p. 144). this preface is unauthentic.

  18--For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.

  19--For comment on this term, see ibid.

  20--I-shu, 5:1a.

  21--This is the Erh-Ch’eng ch’üan-shu, which includes (1) the I-shu (Surviving Works), consisting of conversations of the brothers, (2) the Wai-shu (additional Works), consisting of additional conversations of theirs, (3) the Ming-tao wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works by Ch’eng Hao), consisting of poems, letters, and the like, (4) the I-ch’uan wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works by Ch’eng I), (5) the I ch’uan (Commentary on the Book of Changes) by Ch’eng I, (6) his Ching-shuo (Explanations of the Classics), and (7) the Ts’ui-yen (Pure Words), which contains additional conversations of the two brothers, mostly duplicates of the I-shu and the Wai-shu. (Ts’ui-yen has sometimes been mistranslated as “choice sayings” and “collected sayings.”) For the present work, the sppy edition is used. It is interesting to note that the Ts’ui-yen is put at the end of the Complete Works. For a good account of these works, see Tsai, The Philosophy of Ch’eng I, pp. 27-61. Tsai is sometimes too skeptical and used untenable arguments. For example, he said that the Ts’ui-yen is unreliable because it is in the literary style whereas the editor of this work, Yang Shih (Yang Kuei-shan, 1053-1135) always referred to it as yü-lu or “recorded sayings in the vernacular” (p. 60). But yü-lu merely means recorded sayings and does not necessarily mean sayings in the vernacular. The Chang Tzu yü-lu (Recorded Conversations of Chang Tsai), for example, is in the literary style. Besides, not all the recorded conversations of the Ch’eng brothers are in the vernacular. They are vernacular in the I-shu but literary in the Wai-shu, which was compiled by Chu Hsi.

  None of the above works has been translated into any European language. A good number of sayings of both brothers has been translated by Graham in his book and a considerable number of sayings by Ch’eng I has been translated by Ts’ai in his work. Chu Hsi’s selections
from the two brothers in his Chin-ssu lu (Reflections on Things at Hand) have been translated into German by Graf, Djin-sï lu, passim.

  22--Mencius, 7A:4.

  23--See above, ch. 30, sec. 1.

  24--Mencius, 2A:2.

  25--The text has shih (fact) instead of li (principle).

  26--See above, ch. 30, comment on sec. 1.

  27--Ts’ui-yen, 1:7b.

  28--See below, ch. 35, B, secs. 89, 93, 274, and 337.

  29--The Chin-ssu lu is an anthology of the Ch’eng brothers, Chou Tun-i and Chang Tsai.

  30--Chu Tzu yü-lei (Classified Conversations of Chu Hsi), 1876 ed., 97:5b-6a.

  31--Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an, sppy, 13:3b.

  32--Chung-kuo ssu-hsiang shih (History of Chinese Thought), 1952, p. 138.

  33--According to Chu Hsi, this was written when Ch’eng Hao was twenty-two or twenty-three. See Chu Tzu yü-lei, 93:9a.

  34--Indirectly quoting Chuang Tzu, ch. 22, nhcc, 7:55b. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 219.

  35--Commentary of hexagram no. 31, hsien (influence). Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, p. 123.

  36--The text of hexagram no. 52, ken (to stop). Cf. Legge, pp. 175-176.

  37--Mencius, 4B:26.

  38--Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an, 13:8a. For Chou’s doctrine, see above, ch. 28, sec. 1.

  39--All these sayings are from the I-shu. The asterisk following the page reference indicates that the saying is ascribed in the I-shu to the “two Masters” without specifying which of the two. The letters c, ch, l, m, and s indicate that it has been taken to be Ch’eng Hao’s saying in the anthologies represented by them as follows. With two exceptions, to be pointed out, none of these anthologies ascribes any of these sayings to Ch’eng I:

  c. Chu Hsi, Chin-ssu lu (Reflections on Things at Hand).

  ch. Ch’en Lung-cheng (1585-?), Ch’eng Tzu hsiang-pen (Detailed and classified Anthology of Masters Ch’eng).

  l. Sun Ch’i-feng (1584-1675), Li-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan (Orthodox Transmission of Neo-Confucianism).

  m. Shen Kuei (of Ming, 1368-1644), Ming-tao Ch’üan-shu (Complete Works of Ch’eng Hao).