Siyasi Muslims
Page 21
4. ‘Resolution Adopted by the National Integration Conference’, 1961, see Sachchidananda. ‘Sociology of National Integration’, Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute 31/32, no. 1/2 (1970–71/1971–72): pp. 193–201.
5. Tahir Mahmood, Minorities Commission 1978–2015: Minor Role in Major Affairs (New Delhi: LexisNexis-Universal, 2016), p. 32.
6. Ibid., p. 34
7. Id., pp. 71–72.
8. DAV College Etc. vs State of Punjab & Ors, 5 May 1971 (AIR 1971 1737, 1971 SCR 688).
9. Ibid.
10. T.M.A Pai Foundation & Ors vs State of Karnataka & Ors,
2002
11. Tahir Mahmood, Minorities Commission 1978–2015, pp. 129–30.
12. Ibid.
13. The Citizenship Amendment Bill 2016.
14. This proposed citizenship bill should also be seen in relation to the debate on the National Register of Citizens (NRC). Technically, the NCR is the official register containing the names of all Indian citizens. The NCR was prepared in 1951 after publication of the first postcolonial census. The NCR became very relevant in the context of Assam in the post-1986 period, when the citizenship law was amended to determine the status of migrants in the state (Roy, 2016, 45–51). The process of updating the NCR is based on the revised cut-off date. The names of those persons (or their descendants) who appear in the NRC, 1951, or in any of the official documents up to the midnight of 24 March 1971, which would prove their presence in Assam or in any part of India, are to be recognized as Indian citizens. The draft NCR was published on 30 July 2018, which has excluded around 40,000 people living in Assam.
15. Jamia Teachers’ Association vs The Vice Chancellor, Jamia Millia Islamia, & Ors, National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions (NCMEI), Case No. 1443 of 2006, https://bit.ly/2RCjrhg.
16. It is important to clarify that Jamia has started providing reservation to Muslim OBCs and women.
Chapter 6: Muslims as Backward
1. ‘Demand to bring Dalit Muslims under the Scheduled Caste category by amending the Constitution’, Rajya Sabha Debates, https://bit.ly/2HTQuhf: ‘दलित मुसलमान (अरजाल) को अनुसूचित जाति में शामिल करने की मांग गत डेढ़ दशक से की जा रही है । . . . राष्ट्रपति आदेश 1950 के द्वारा इसे केवल हिन्दू दलितों के लिए सीमित कर दिया गया . . . महोदय, मेरा सरकार से निवेदन है कि दलित मुसलमान (अरजाल) को अनुसूचित जाति में शामिल करने के लिए केंद्र सरकार प्रेसिडेंशियल आडर्र 1950 में करते हुए उसमें हिन्दू, सिख एवं नवबौद्घ के साथ मुसलिम शब्द को भी जोड़ें ।’ https://bit.ly/2N9o6Xs.
2. श्री हुसैन दलवई: सर मेरा एक सवाल है । हमने दलित मुस्लिम और दलित क्रिश्चियन का सवाल उठाया था, इसके उपर आपने कुछ नहीं कहा । https://bit.ly/2tpqKPH.
3. KLS/VNK/1A-11.00/ Uncorrected/ Not for Publication-08.12.2014, https://bit.ly/2RB2944: ‘श्री थावर चन्द गहलोत: सर, निवेदन यह है कि भारत की संवैधानिक व्यवस्था केअंतर्गत जिन वर्गो को अनुसूचित जाति मे माना गया है उनमे ये दोनों वर्ग नहीं आते हैं और माननीय उच्चतम न्यायालय मे यह मामला विचाराधीन है । उच्चतम न्यायालय कानिर्णय आने के बाद अगर कोई परिस्थिति होगी तो विचार किया जाएगा, अन्यथा सरकार अभी इस मामले मे सहमत नहीं है ।’ https://bit.ly/2tpqKPH.
4. Praful Bidwai, ‘Combating Muslim exclusion’, Frontline 23, no. 23 (18 Nov.–1 Dec. 2006), https://bit.ly/2TS5oGm.
5. Emphasis added; Report of the First Backward Classes Commission, 1955, p. 27, https://dspace.gipe.ac.in/xmlui/handle/10973/33678.
6. Emphasis added, Misra Commission Report, 2007, p. 139, https://bit.ly/2BCsrgZ.
7. Ibid., p. 163.
8. Mohammad Shah, ‘State and Violence: The Struggle for Justice and Dignity’, Muslim India 75 (March 1989): p. 100.
9. Mohammad Shah, ‘Reservation for Muslims is Constitutional and Socially Necessary in National Context’, Milli Gazette (1–15 October 2004): pp. 12–13.
10. ‘Resolution of the Muslim Convention for Reservation’, 2 February 2009, New Delhi, original emphasis.
11. Mohammad Shah, ‘Reservation for Muslims is Constitutional and Socially Necessary in National Context’.
12. Iqbal Ansari, Political Representation of Muslims of India: 1952–2004 (New Delhi: Manak Publications, 2006).
13. Ibid., Chapter 1.
14. Iqbal Ansari, ‘Of Backwardness and Discrimination’, Milli Gazette (1–15 November 2004).
15. Ibid.
16. Id.
17. Ali Anwar, Masawat ki Jung: Struggle for Equality (New Delhi: Indian Social Institute, 2005), Chapters 1 and 3.
18. Anwar, interview by the author, 29 January 2009.
19. Ibid.
20. These three points are taken from a pamphlet entitled Pichre Vargo ke Arakshan par Khatra, which was published in the Pasmanda Awaz in September–October 2005. These points are not directly mentioned by Anwar; however, he reiterated these concerns in a personal interview with the author on 29 January 2009.
21. Ali Anwar and Yoginder Sikand, ‘Ali Anwar’s Struggle’, CounterCurrents.org, 5 October 2005, https://bit.ly/2V0jZPU.
22. Yoginder Sikand, ‘Dalit Muslims’, Outlook, 20 June 2002, https://bit.ly/2BB5bzW.
23. Ibid.
24. Id.
25. Id.
Chapter 7: The Politics of Triple Talaq
1. ‘Objectives’, All India Muslim Personal Law Board, https://bit.ly/2HTPRUI.
2. Noorjehan Safia Niaz and Zakia Soman, ‘No More “Talaq Talaq Talaq”: Muslim Women Call for a Ban on an UnIslamic Practice’, Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan, 2015, https://bit.ly/2RF2dzz.
3. Ibid., p. 24.
4. Id., p. 25.
5. Order XXXVIII, S.C.R, 2013, under Article 32 of the Constitution of India, Writ Petition (Civil) 2016, https://bit.ly/2GJfTYB.
6. Counter Affidavit on Behalf of Respondent No. 7, All India Muslim Personal Law Board, Writ Petition (Civil) No. 118 of
2016, https://bit.ly/2IbIxDZ.
7. Ibid.
8. Seema Chishti, ‘Austere Ahle Hadees opposes triple talaq but sounds caution’, Indian Express, 14 October 2016, https://bit.ly/2GkD1g1.
9. Writ Petition (Civil) No. 118 of 2016, https://bit.ly/2GJfTYB.
10. Ibid.
11. Id.
12. Id.
13. Omar Rashid, ‘Disturbed by SC order on triple talaq: AIMPLB’, The Hindu, 22 August 2017, https://bit.ly/2HTUn5P.
14. ‘BMMA Reiterates Demand for “Balanced” Muslim Family Law, Hits Out at AIMPLB’, Wire, 2 April 2018, https://bit.ly/2UCUXWY.
15. The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill,
2017.
16. Uncorrected Debate, Sixteenth Lok Sabha, https://bit.ly/2DHRv6J.
17. The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Ordinance, 2018, Section 7a, https://bit.ly/2Nc3wWo, https://bit.ly/2TN4xX7.
18. Ibid., Section 7b.
19. Ibid., Section 7c.
Chapter 8: The New Muslim Elite
1. Syed Zafar Islam, ‘A birthday card to the PM’, Indian Express
, 17 September 2018, https://bit.ly/2NmoMfu.
2. Justice Rajindar Sachar, Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India: A Report, Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India, November 2006, https://bit.ly/2uOG49P; and Zeeshan Shaikh, ‘Ten years after Sachar Report’, Indian Express, 26 December 2016, https://bit.ly/2GsTaRq.
3. Mohd. Sanjeer Alam, ‘Religious and Caste Differentials in Accessing White Collar Jobs in India: Does Education Level the Playing Field?’, in Indian Muslims: Struggling for Equality of Citizenship, ed. Riaz Hassan (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2016), pp. 94–103.
4. Sachar Committee Report, p. 22, https://bit.ly/2POq28L.
5. Naren Karunakaran, ‘Muslims constitute 14% of India, but just 3% of India Inc’, Economic Times, 7 September 2015, https://bit.ly/2G80a69.
6. Pallavi Pundir, ‘Aamir Khan on intolerance: Kiran asked me if we should move out of India’, Indian Express, 24 November 2015, https://bit.ly/2TrSyhH.
7. Prawesh Lama, Twitter post, 24 November 2015, https://bit.ly/2t42mD7.
8. ‘Compounding Injustice: The Government’s Failure to Redress Massacres in Gujarat’, Human Rights Watch 15, no. 3 (C) (July 2003), https://bit.ly/2DaZFUF.
9. ‘About Us’, Indian Muslim Chamber of Commerce and Industry, https://bit.ly/2GoKzOB.
10. Ibid.
11. ‘Vision Global’, Indian Muslim Chamber of Commerce and Industry, http://www.imcci.net/index.php?link=visionglobal.
12. ‘About Us’, Association of Muslim Professionals, https://bit.ly/2t7hAXL.
13. ‘Vision and Mission’, Association of Muslim Professionals, https://bit.ly/2WKgMpg.
14. Madhu Purnima Kishwar, ‘Narendra Modi through the Eyes of Gujarati Muslims, Christians’, Manushi, Forum for Women’s Rights and Democratic Reforms, https://bit.ly/2TT976o.
15. Sachar Commission Report, p. 213.
PART III: THE POLITICS OF SIYASI MUSLIMS
Chapter 9: The Metaphors of Muslim Politics: Vote Bank, Good Muslims/Bad Muslims and Muslim Appeasement
1. Deepak Tiwari, ‘Votebank politics has destroyed nation like termites: PM Modi’, Week, 25 September 2018, https://bit.ly/2Bmso91.
2. W.H. Morris-Jones, Parliament in India (London and New York: Longman and Green Co., 1957), p. 95.
3. Report on the First General Elections 1951–52, Election Commission of India, New Delhi, 1954.
4. S. Gopal, ed., Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, vol. 15, part 2 (New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, 1984), p. 240; and vol. 2, no. 10, pp. 521 and 523.
5. Ibid., p. 240.
6. Ibid.
7. M.N. Srinivas, ‘The Dominant Caste in Rampura’, American Anthropologist 61, no. 1 (February 1959): p. 5.
8. Ibid., p. 15.
9. F.G. Bailey, ‘Traditional Society and Representation: A Case Study in Orissa’, European Journal of Sociology 1, no. 1 (1960): pp. 127.
10. D.L. Seth, ‘Political Development of the Electorate’, in Citizens and Parties: Aspects of Competitive Politics in India, ed. D.L. Seth (New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1975), pp. 1–2.
11. J.P. Narayan, A Plea for Reconstruction of Indian Polity (Kashi: Akhil Bharat Sarv Seva Sangh Prakashan, 1959), p. 75.
12. Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to the Chief Ministers: 1947–1964, vol. 5, ed. G. Parthasarathy (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 254.
13. Rajani Kothari, Politics in India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1970), pp. 246–47.
14. ‘External forces working against me: PM, PTI’, Times of India, 15 February 1974, New Delhi, p. 5.
15. Hilal Ahmed, Muslim Political Discourse in Postcolonial India: Monuments, Memory, Contestation (London and New Delhi: Routledge, 2014), Chapter 4.
16. Rana Siddiqui Zaman, ‘Why “The Sarkari Musalman”?’, National Herald, 22 October 2018, https://bit.ly/2MOU3Ee.
17. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, vol. 25, p. 227.
18. Emphasis added; Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to the Chief Ministers, vol. 5, p. 457.
19. A.G. Noorani, ed, The Muslims of India: A Documentary Record (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 183.
20. Hilal Ahmed, ‘Understanding postcolonial Muslim politics’, The Hindu, 30 August 2014, https://bit.ly/2Sutd9B; and Hilal Ahmed, ‘A political story of Jama Masjid’, DNA, 11 November 2014, https://bit.ly/2Bj5dfM.
21. Syed Zafar Islam, ‘Why Muslims must give BJP a fair chance’, Indian Express, 4 May 2017, https://bit.ly/2HDr2w8.
22. ‘Mohan Bhagwat says no Hindu Rashtra without Muslims: Is RSS changing before 2019 polls?’, ThePrint, 19 September 2018, https://bit.ly/2REUxxt.
23. ‘Why Hindu Rashtra: K.S. Sudarshan’, Archives of RSS, https://bit.ly/2GbR4Fp.
24. Resolutions: 2011–2020, Archives of RSS, https://bit.ly/1kD7qYm.
25. Emphasis added, Mushirul Hasan, Legacy of a Divided Nation (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 279.
26. ‘Sachar Committee: Tell-Tale facts about Muslims in Gujarat: Shri Advani’, NarendraModi.in, 17 May 2010, https://bit.ly/2MRJ8JH.
Chapter 10: Muslims and the Future of India’s Democracy
1. ‘“Wherever Muslims Live . . .”: Text of Vajpayee’s Controversial Goa Speech, April 2002’, Wire, 17 August 2018, https://bit.ly/2SfYZYQ.
2. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, interview by Wolf Blitzer, CNN, 20 July 2005, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, https://bit.ly/2X4Z7Jj. This kind of secularism is actually one extreme polarity in this kind of argument.
3. Radhika Ramaseshan, ‘Modi chants purification mantra’, Telegraph, 26 September 2016, https://bit.ly/2WoU0Dy.
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