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Randal Marlin

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by Propaganda


  our behaviour is affected by framing about which we have little consciousness. He

  thinks the neo-conservatives successfully manipulate public consciousness by playing

  into their own frameworks by using appropriate metaphors. Against this, the appeal

  to reasoned arguments is politically weak. In his view, progressives need to build on

  nurturing metaphors. In his bestselling book Don’t Think of an Elephant, Lakoff points out how, even when you want not to think of an elephant, the very want brings about

  the thought. Likewise for those who argue within the set of metaphors that favour the

  neo-conservatives. As long as you argue within their frame of metaphors, you merely

  support the frame benefiting that side.

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  Thomas nast, “Jewels Among Swine,” Harper’s Weekly XVIII,

  no. 911 (June 13, 1874). An example of metaphor. The police are

  depicted as pigs, ignoring the drunk and disorderly while arresting

  women demonstrating for temperance.

  DEVICES InVoLVIng LAngUAgE MAnIPULATIon

  Some Examples from Bolinger

  Many forms of manipulation make artful use of language. The Harvard linguist

  Dwight Bolinger, drawing on the work of others, has provided some interesting

  examples, to which he has given useful names.8

  The first is what he calls, citing Julia Stanley, deleted agent of the passive. In this, we rephrase a sentence from active to passive voice and delete the subject of the first

  sentence. Instead of “Jane kicked the bal ,” the sentence is written “the ball was kicked.”

  Instead of “Willy broke the window at 5 p.m.,” we get “The window was broken at 5

  p.m.” As can be seen, it is a useful device for obscuring responsibility, and it is, not

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  surprisingly, a favoured language for boardroom minutes where the aim is to avoid divisiveness or public recriminations. Equally, it is language frowned on by editors

  who are looking for directness and transparency in writing. Stanley’s example repro-

  duced in Bolinger’s text is illuminating. Suppose Shanks and Shaughnessey dispute a

  medical bill. Shanks says that Shaughnessey sewed him up after an operation, leaving

  sponges and a scalpel inside. Shaughnessey says that that is a dirty lie. Depending on

  whom an editor favours, the headline might read: “Shanks charged with slander” or

  “Shaughnessey charged with malpractice.” The other person’s name does not appear in

  the headline, and the reader is primed to put the focus of guilt on the named person

  rather than on the namer.

  Secondly, and rather similar to the first, there is what Bolinger calls, citing

  Donald Smith, experiencer deletion. Experiencing verbs are those such as believes,

  knows, feels, senses, touches, and so on. If we say, for example, “it is believed that over

  10,000 people appeared at the demonstration” and leave out the relevant fact that the

  belief was held only by some wishful thinker in the sponsoring organization, who did

  not attend the meeting and who notoriously exaggerates the numbers, we give a false

  impression. Stanley makes a similar point, using a different terminology. The sentence

  “In the fifth century the known world was limited to Europe and small parts of Asia

  and Africa” obscures, as she points out, the fact that large parts of the world outside

  the stated geographical limits were known to many people who happened not to live

  within the limits indicated.9 It is not difficult to think of other examples of deceptions

  using this form of language. Of course, the experiencer deletion can be replaced by

  an equally misleading substitute. For example, a foreign correspondent reporter may

  write “Seasoned observers here feel that ...” when the reference is only to a taxi driver,

  himself, or other journalists holed up in some hotel bar with no real access to what is

  going on outside.

  Thirdly, there is what Bolinger calls the deletion of a qualifying performative.

  People with some expertise in a particular field of knowledge may be called on by the

  media to express their views to the public. Wanting to be helpful, they may say things

  like “Well, I haven’t looked into the matter, but my guess would be....” It is a case of

  deleted qualifying performative if the report gives the rest of the sentence without

  including the first part. The media prefers to present readers with uncomplicated facts,

  but the interests of truth demand the inclusion of qualifiers, since otherwise readers

  or listeners will be led to misjudge the strength of the speaker’s support for the claim,

  whatever it was. Performatives such as “I think ...” or “I feel ...” are included precisely

  in order to signal to the listener that the speaker is giving only limited endorsement to

  what follows. To omit these qualifiers can mislead people, in some cases seriously and

  unfairly. Bolinger makes a Cold War example. Someone in authority says, “America is

  lagging behind Russia in arms production.” It makes a difference whether that state-

  ment is founded on good intelligence or whether the speaker is making a guess or

  attributing the view to someone else who happens to be uninformed.10

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  Finally, Bolinger views the act of naming along with “favorable or unfavorable overtone” in the terms selected as “the favorite device of the propagandist and the

  ultimate refinement in the art of lying.”11 Here we are reminded of Orwell’s Nineteen

  Eighty-Four and the naming of the ministry where lies are continually reinvented

  as the “Ministry of Truth.” Among examples Bolinger takes from Henry Steele

  Commager are the use of terms such as “surgical strikes” for precision bombing (often

  not so precise, nor so healthy), “pacification centres” to apply to concentration camps,

  “incontinent ordnance” for bombs that miss their target, and “friendly fire” that kills

  people in one’s own villages by mistake.12A government may choose to title legislation

  that drastically cuts back on funding for education, as “An Act for the Improvement of

  Education,” treating as a truth what is, at best, only debatably so. A great deal of effort

  and expense is often required to counteract impressions so formed.

  Name-cal ing in general is a powerful force for influencing opinion because names

  are easily remembered. Words such as “Uncle Tom,” “demagogue,” “racist,” “sexist,” “trai-

  tor,” and the like carry powerful emotional overtones, but they also cause perceptions

  of the individual so named to be warped. It is sometimes said of such powerful terms

  that a person is “guilty if charged,” such is the tendency of people to believe that there’s

  “no smoke without fire” and that denials are only to be expected and not to be believed

  without further evidence. Names can have a powerful revealing effect, causing people

  to become aware of some truth. But, used in propaganda, names invite us to form our

  opinions without reviewing the evidence and, thus, to overlook those aspects of the

  truth the propagandist pr
efers to see concealed. In our own day, we find words like

  “Communist,” “leftist,” “liberal,” “extreme rightist,” “bigot,” “neo-con,” “terrorist,” and so on used pejoratively, often without a clear idea as to the meaning of the term so applied.

  Bolinger usefully investigates how names or descriptions can exploit hidden asso-

  ciations in our language. The two words “baseless” and “groundless” have the same

  literal meaning, but he feels that the former term is the stronger of the two because of

  the association with the term “base” as something mean and unworthy.13 (Never mind

  that “baseless” should mean “less base.” The association is unconscious, and so logic

  does not play a part.)

  Sometimes it seems impossible to discuss controversial issues without slipping

  into tendentious language. In the abortion debate, one side speaks of “pro-abortion,”

  the other of “pro-choice.” Both terms have an element of truth and falsity. To say that

  someone who opposes criminal laws prohibiting abortion is “pro-abortion” misses the

  distinction between those who favour abortion, and those who do not but who believe

  that a criminal prohibition will do more harm than good. To say that someone who

  opposes criminal prohibitions for abortion is “pro-choice” obscures the fact that the

  nature of the choice involves the destruction of the beginning of a human life. It con-

  centrates only on the abstract notion of free choosing, avoiding the particularities of the

  choice. The names given to opposing participants in the debate are highly loaded, yet it

  seems difficult to find terms that avoid tendentiousness without being awkwardly long.

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  Examples from the Institute for Propaganda Analysis

  A compact, frequently reproduced list of “tricks of the trade” was furnished in 1939 by

  the New York-based Institute for Propaganda Analysis. In addition to name-calling,

  there are six common tricks, examined below.

  1. Glittering Generality. This is defined as “associating something with a ‘virtue word’ ...

  to make us accept and approve the thing without examining the evidence.” Glittering

  generalities “mean different things to different people; they can be used in different

  ways.”14 A prime example of such a word is “democracy,” which in our day has a virtu-

  ous connotation. But what exactly does it mean? To some people, it may be treated

  as supportive of the status quo in a given society, while others may see it as requiring

  change in the form, say, of a reform of election financing practices. The ambiguity

  of the term is such that Nazis and Soviet Communists both felt they could claim it

  (when it was convenient to do so) for their own system of governance, despite the fact

  that many in the West saw these systems, with reason, as the antithesis of democracy.

  The expression “free speech” is another glittering generality, which can be used to

  deny free speech to others. The Fine Art of Propaganda was aimed at combatting the

  influence of popular radio speeches by a fiery priest, Father Charles E. Coughlin of

  Detroit. In one talk given January 1, 1939, Father Coughlin stated: “[Americans] are

  seldom advised that the free speech of the Communist or the free speech of the Nazi

  may not be used to destroy the free speech of the American” (FAP 51). The effect of

  his address was to call for the denial of free speech for Communists and Nazis, while

  all the time making use of the glittering generality of “free speech.” Use of glittering

  generalities can give power to individuals who exploit them. Senator Joe McCarthy

  used the House Un-American Activities Committee hearings to appeal to a particu-

  lar concept of what constitutes “American” (another glitter word for his audience)

  as a way of bullying Americans of a more socialist political standpoint than his own.

  In recent years, the word “freedom” has been harnessed by Tea Party enthusiasts to

  combat government regulation. But not all government regulation is necessarily bad,

  and in restraining the actions of some it may be enhancing the freedoms of others.

  Removal of government-imposed barriers to manipulation of markets by unscrupu-

  lous traders in mortgage-backed securities, credit-default swaps, and the like has been

  widely recognized as contributing to the financial crisis that began in 2008. The bulk

  of the population thus suffered economically from a “freedom” that benefited a few at

  the top of the income pyramid, but not themselves.15

  2. Transfer. The Institute defines this term as follows: “Transfer carries the authority, sanction, and prestige of something respected and revered over to something else in

  order to make the latter acceptable” (FAP 70). It observed how Father Coughlin’s

  radio speeches opened with churchlike music, giving the impression he represented

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  the Catholic Church in the views he broadcast. “By Transfer he attempts to carry the authority, sanction, and prestige of something respected and revered by millions (the

  Roman Catholic Church) over to something else (his own economic, political, and

  even racial views) that he wishes to make thus more acceptable to us” (FAP 69).

  Transfer is a very common device. A younger, aspiring politician has a photograph

  taken with a senior political icon in order to share the latter’s prestige. Photographing

  a politician against the background of a revered institution, such as Parliament, can

  have the same effect. Having the flag as background is a frequent form of transfer.

  Always, the aim is to be seen in the company of persons, places, or things that will

  resonate well in the minds of voters. If public transportation is in favour, then it helps

  to be seen riding a bus whether or not the party platform endorses increasing public

  subsidies for mass transit.

  There are legitimate and illegitimate uses of transfer. It is legitimate when transfer

  is used to represent fairly what a candidate stands for. It is illegitimate when this or any

  other propaganda device is used unfairly to pretend that the candidate favours some-

  thing that he or she does not (FAP 73). Among the irritants at election time are public-

  ity-seeking candidates who try to take credit, through photo-opportunities, for projects

  with which they had nothing to do or even may have opposed. The reverse of this is

  taking photographs of opponents in the presence of people who have earned the hatred

  and contempt of the community and then publicizing the pictures to suggest an affinity

  between the candidates and the others. Of course, the technique of photomontage can

  produce the same effect with very little effort, but it risks a boomerang from detection.

  3. Testimonial. In the Institute’s definition, “Testimonial consists in having some respected or hated person say that a given idea or program or product or person is

  good or bad” (FAP 75). This appeal to authority encourages us to accept ideas without

  subjecting them to critical examination. To avoid being duped by such appeals, we

  should ask ourselves who or what is quoted in the testimonial; what reason there is

  for regarding the pe
rson, organization, etc., appealed to as authoritative; whether the

  person or group giving the testimonial had financial or other inducements to do so;

  and, finally, what merits attach to the idea, etc., apart from the testimonials.

  Deception occurs when the supposed authority never said what is attributed to

  him, her, or it; when the views of the authority are distorted; or when the authority

  is untrustworthy. A popular film star may lack the expertise to speak competently

  on scientific, economic, or complicated political issues, or a famous scientist may

  pronounce on something outside his or her field, without the lack of competence

  being communicated to the audience. Father Coughlin in certain instances made

  anti-Semitic statements based on information provided by a Nazi propaganda sheet,

  World-Service, but he cited official government documents as his sources. The latter

  either did not contain the information attributed to them or acknowledged a lack of

  adequate evidence for the very claims he made on air (FAP 76–84).

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  In the early debates on abortion in the 1960s, anti-abortion activists complained that the number of alleged illegal abortions in Canada—35,000 in Toronto alone and

  100,000 for the country as a whole—was greatly exaggerated by those seeking lib-

  eralization of the laws. The Toronto figure was attributed to the former head of the

  abortion squad of the Morality Department of the Metropolitan Police Department,

  Detective Sergeant William Quennell, who included statistics for natural miscar-

  riages and legal abortions as well as criminal abortions in this figure.16 Information

  not properly sourced may undergo a “laundering” effect in this way. Some 14 years ago,

  the Regional Medical Health Officer in Ottawa-Carleton provided an exact figure

  for the number of area lung cancer deaths caused by second-hand smoke. This might

  appear to the uninitiated as a very reliable figure, but he could have obtained that

  kind of information only by appealing to worldwide research into the matter, which

  would give an estimate of the number of such people per 100,000 population who

 

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