Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos

by Cornelius Nepos

  3. Hic cum esset magno natu et magistratus gerere desisset, bello Athenienses undique premi sunt coepti. defecerat Samus, descierat Hellespontus, Philippus iam tum valens multa moliebatur: cui oppositus Chares cum esset, non satis in eo praesidii putabatur. [2] fit Menestheus praetor, filius Iphicratis, gener Timothei, et ut ad bellum proficiscatur decernitur. huic in consilium dantur viri duo usu sapientiaque praestantes quorum consilio uteretur, pater et socer, quod in his tanta erat auctoritas, ut magna spes esset per eos amissa posse recuperari. [3] ii cum Samum profecti essent et eodem Chares illorum adventu cognito cum suis copiis proficisceretur, ne quid absente se gestum videretur, accidit, cum ad insulam appropinquarent, ut magna tempestas oreretur: quam evitare duo veteres imperatores utile arbitrati suam classem suppresserunt. [4] at ille temeraria usus ratione non cessit maiorum natu auctoritati, velut in sua manu esset fortuna. quo contenderat, pervenit, eodemque ut sequerentur, ad Timotheum et Iphicraten nuntium misit. hinc male re gesta, compluribus amissis navibus eo, unde erat profectus, se recepit litterasque Athenas publice misit, sibi proclive fuisse Samum capere, nisi a Timotheo et Iphicrate desertus esset. [5] populus acer, suspicax ob eamque rem mobilis, adversarius, invidus (etenim potentia in crimen vocabatur) domum revocat: accusantur proditionis. hoc iudicio damnatur Timotheus lisque eius aestimatur centum talentis. ille odio ingratae civitatis exactus Chalcidem se contulit.

  III. When he was at an advanced age, and had ceased to hold any office, the Athenians began to be pressed with war on every side. Samos had revolted; the Hellespont had deserted them; Philip of Macedon, then very powerful, was making many efforts; and in Chares, who had been opposed to him, there was not thought to be sufficient defence. Menestheus, the son of Iphicrates, and son-in-law of Timotheus, was in consequence made commander, and a decree was passed that he should proceed to take the management of the war. These two persons, his father and father-in-law, men eminent in experience and wisdom, were appointed to give him advice, for there was such force of character in them, that great hopes were entertained that what had been lost might be recovered by their means. When they had set out for Samos; and Chares, having heard of their approach, was also proceeding thither with his force, lest anything should appear to be done in his absence, it happened that, as they drew near the island, a great storm arose, which the two veteran commanders, thinking it expedient to avoid, checked the progress of their fleet. But Chares, taking a rash course, would not submit to the advice of his elders, but, as if success depended on his own vessel, pushed his way for the point to which he had been steering, and sent orders to Timotheus and Iphicrates to follow him thither. But having subsequently mismanaged the affair, and lost several ships, he returned to the same place from which he had come, and despatched a letter to the government at Athens, saying that it would have been easy for him to take Samos, if he had not been left unsupported by Timotheus and Iphicrates. On this charge they were impeached. The people, violent, suspicious, fickle, and unfavourable to them, recalled them home; and they were brought to trial for treason. On this charge Timotheus was found guilty, and his fine was fixed at a hundred talents; when, compelled by the hatred of an ungrateful people, he sought a refuge at Chalcis.

  4. Huius post mortem cum populum iudicii sui paeniteret, multae novem partes detraxit et decem talenta Cononem, filium eius, ad muri quandam partem reficiendam iussit dare. in quo fortunae varietas est animadversa. nam quos avus Conon muros ex hostium praeda patriae restituerat, eosdem nepos cum summa ignominia familiae ex sua re familiari reficere coactus est. [2] Timothei autem moderatae sapientisque vitae cum pleraque possimus proferre testimonia, uno erimus contenti, quod ex eo facile conici poterit, quam carus suis fuerit. cum Athenis adulescentulus causam diceret, non solum amici privatique hospites ad eum defendendum convenerunt, sed etiam in eis Iason, tyrannus Thessaliae, qui illo tempore fuit omnium potentissimus. [3] hic cum in patria sine satellitibus se tutum non arbitraretur, Athenas sine ullo praesidio venit tantique hospitem fecit, ut mallet se capitis periculum adire quam Timotheo de fama dimicanti deesse. hunc adversus tamen Timotheus postea populi iussu bellum gessit: patriae enim sanctiora iura quam hospitii esse duxit. [4]

  Haec extrema fuit aetas imperatorum Atheniensium, Iphicratis, Chabriae, Timothei, neque post illorum obitum quisquam dux in illa urbe fuit dignus memoria. [5]

  Venio nunc ad fortissimum virum maximique consilii omnium barbarorum, exceptis duobus Karthaginiensibus, Hamilcare et Hannibale. [6] de quo hoc plura referemus, quod et obscuriora sunt eius gesta pleraque et ea, quae prospere ei cesserunt, non magnitudine copiarum, sed consilii, quo tum omnes superabat, acciderunt: quorum nisi ratio explicata fuerit, res apparere non poterunt.

  IV. After his death, when the people had repented of the sentence passed upon him, they took off nine-tenths of the fine, and ordered that his son Conon should give ten talents to repair a certain portion of the wall. In this occurrence was seen the changeableness of fortune; for the grandson was obliged, to the great scandal of his family, to repair, out of his own estate, the same walls which his grandfather Conon had rebuilt with the spoil taken from the enemy.

  Of the temperate and judicious life of Timotheus, though we could produce a great many proofs, we will be content with one, from which it may be easily conjectured how dear he was to his friends. When he was brought to trial, while quite a young man, at Athens, not only his friends, and others connected with him by ties of private hospitality, came to give him their support, but among them also the tyrant Jason, who at that time was the most powerful of all men. Jason, though he did not think himself safe in his own country without guards, came to Athens unattended, having such value for his guest-friend, that he chose to hazard his life rather than not stand by Timotheus when he was contending for his honour. Yet Timotheus, under an order from the people, carried on a war against him afterwards, for he considered the rights of his country more sacred than those of hospitality.

  This was the last age of Athenian commanders; the age of Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheus; nor, after their death, was there any leader worthy of remembrance in that city.

  XIV. DATAMES.

  Datames, an eminent barbarian leader; his war with the Cardusii, I. He takes prisoner Thyus of Paphlagonia, II. Presents Thyus to the king of Persia; is appointed to command in Egypt, III. Is directed to attack Aspis of Cappadocia, IV. Finds that the courtiers are plotting against him, and takes possession of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, V. Loses his son in a war with the Pisidians; defeats the Pisidians, VI. Is betrayed by his eldest son, VII. Defeats the general of the Persians who is sent against him, VIII. Escapes a plot formed against him by the king, IX. Is deceived by Mithridates, X. Is killed by him, XI.

  1. Datames, patre Camisare, natione Care, matre Scythissa natus, primum militum in numero fuit apud Artaxerxen eorum, qui regiam tuebantur. pater eius Camisares, quod et manu fortis et bello strenuus et regi multis locis fidelis erat repertus, habuit provinciam partem Ciliciae iuxta Cappadociam, quam incolunt Leucosyri. [2] Datames militare munus fungens primum, qualis esset, aperuit in bello, quod rex adversus Cadusios gessit. namque hic magni fuit eius opera. quo factum est, cum in eo bello cecidisset Camisares, ut paterna ei traderetur provincia.

  I. I NOW come to the bravest and wisest man of all the barbarians, except the two Carthaginians, Hamilcar and Hannibal.

  I shall say the more concerning this general, because most of his acts are but little known, and because the undertakings that were attended with success to him, were accomplished, not by vastness of force, but by sagacity, in which he surpassed all ofthat age; and unless the manner of his proceedings be set forth, his merits cannot be fully understood.

  Datames, son of a father named Camissares, a Carian by nation, and of a mother a native of Scythia, served first of all among the soldiers who were guards of the palace to Artaxerxes. His father Camissares, having been found undaunted in fight, active in command, and faithful on many occasions to the king, was granted as a province that portion of Cilicia which borders on Capp
adocia, and which the Leucosyrians inhabit.

  Datames first showed what sort of man he was, when engaged in military service, in the war which the king carried on against the Cardusii; for in this enterprise, after several thousands of the king’s troops were killed, his exertions proved of great value. Hence it happened that, as Camissares lost his life in the war, his father’s province was conferred upon him.

  2. Pari se virtute postea praebuit, cum Autophrodates iussu regis bello persequeretur eos qui defecerant. namque huius opera hostes, cum castra iam intrassent, multis milibus regiorum interfectis profligati sunt exercitusque reliquus conservatus regis est: qua ex re maioribus rebus praeesse coepit. [2] erat eo tempore Thuys dynastes Paphlagoniae, antiquo genere, ortus a Pylaemene illo, quem Homerus Troico bello a Patroclo interfectum ait. [3] is regi dicto audiens non erat. quam ob causam bello eum persequi constituit eique rei praefecit Datamen, propinquum Paphlagonis: namque ex fratre et sorore erant nati. quam ob causam Datames primum experiri voluit, ut sine armis propinquum ad officium reduceret. ad quem cum venisset sine praesidio, quod ab amico nullas vereretur insidias, paene interiit: nam Thuys eum clam interficere voluit. [4] erat mater cum Datame, amita Paphlagonis. [5] ea quid ageretur resciit filiumque monuit. ille fuga periculum evitavit bellumque indixit Thuyni. in quo cum ab Ariobarzane, praefecto Lydiae et Ioniae totiusque Phrygiae, desertus esset, nihilo segnius perseveravit vivumque Thuyn cepit cum uxore et liberis.

  II. He distinguished himself by equal valour when Autophradates, by the king’s order, made war upon those who had revolted; for the enemy, even after they had entered the camp, were put to flight by his efforts, and the rest of the king’s army was saved. In consequence of this success, he began to be appointed over more important affairs. At that time Thyus was prince of Paphlagonia, a man of ancient family, descended from that Pylaemenes whom Homer states to have been killed by Patroclus in the Trojan war. This prince paid no respect to the king’s commands. The king, in consequence, determined to make war upon him, and gave the command of the enterprise to Datames, who was a near relative of the Paphlagonian, for they were sons of a brother and a sister. Datames, on this account, was desirous, in the first place, to try every means to bring back his kinsman to his duty without having recourse to arms. But going to confer with him without a guard, as he apprehended no treachery from a friend, he almost lost his life, for Thyus had resolved to assassinate him secretly. Datames was however accompanied by his mother, the aunt of the Paphlagonian, who discovered what was going on, and gave her son warning of it. Datames escaped the danger by flight, and declared open war against Thyus, in which, though he was deserted by Ariobarzanes, the satrap of Lydia, Ionia, and all Phrygia, he nevertheless vigorously persevered, and succeeded in taking Thyus alive with his wife and children.

  3. Cuius facti ne prius fama ad regem quam ipse perveniret, dedit operam. itaque omnibus insciis eo, ubi erat rex, venit posteroque die Thuyn, hominem maximi corporis terribilique facie, quod et niger et capillo longo barbaque erat promissa, optima veste texit, quam satrapae regii gerere consuerant, ornavit etiam torque atque armillis aureis ceteroque regio cultu; [2] ipse agresti duplici amiculo circumdatus hirtaque tunica, gerens in capite galeam venatoriam, dextra manu clavam, sinistra copulam, ita vinctum ante se Thuynem agebat, ut si feram bestiam captam duceret. [3] quae cum omnes aspicerent propter novitatem ornatus ignotamque formam ob eamque rem magnus esset concursus, fuit nonnemo qui agnosceret Thuyn regique nuntiaret. [4] primo non accredidit itaque Pharnabazum misit exploratum. a quo ut rem gestam comperit, statim admitti iussit, magno opere delectatus cum facto tum ornatu, inprimis quod nobilis rex in potestatem inopinanti venerat. [5] itaque magnifice Datamen donatum ad exercitum misit, qui tum contrahebatur duce Pharnabazo et Tithrauste ad bellum Aegyptium, parique eum atque illos imperio esse iussit. postea vero quam Pharnabazum rex revocavit, illi summa imperii tradita est.

  III. He then used his utmost efforts that the news of his success might not reach the king before him, and thus, while all were still ignorant of it, he arrived at the place where the king was encamped, and the day after arrayed Thyus, a man of huge stature, and frightful aspect, being of a black complexion, and having long hair and a long beard, in a splendid robe such as the king’s satraps used to wear. He adorned him also with a chain and bracelets of gold, and other royal ornaments, while he himself was dressed in a coarse thick cloak, and rough coat, having a hunter’s cap upon his head, a club in his right hand, and in his left a chain, with which he drove Thyus secured before him, as if he were bringing along a wild beast that he had taken. While the people were all gazing at him, on account of the strangeness of his attire, and his person being unknown to them, and a great crowd was in consequence gathered round him, it happened that there was somebody in it who knew Thyus, and went off to tell the king, The king at first did not believe the account, and therefore sent Pharnabazus to make inquiry. Learning from him what had been done, he ordered Datames to be instantly admitted, being extremely delighted both with his success and the dress of his captive, rejoicing especially that that eminent prince had fallen into his hands when he scarcely expected it. He therefore sent Datames, after bestowing magnificent presents upon him, to the army which was then assembling, under the command of Pharnabazus and Tithraustes, to make war upon Egypt, and directed that he should have equal authority with them. But as the king afterwards recalled Pharnabazus, the chief direction of the war was committed to Datames.

  4. Hic cum maximo studio compararet exercitum Aegyptumque proficisci pararet, subito a rege litterae sunt ei missae, ut Aspim aggrederetur, qui Cataoniam tenebat: quae gens iacet supra Ciliciam, confinis Cappadociae. [2] namque Aspis, saltuosam regionem castellisque munitam incolens, non solum imperio regis non parebat, sed etiam finitimas regiones vexabat et quae regi portarentur abripiebat. [3] Datames etsi longe aberat ab iis regionibus et a maiore re abstrahebatur, tamen regis voluntati morem gerendum putavit. itaque cum paucis, sed viris fortibus navem conscendit, existimans, quod accidit, facilius se imprudentem parva manu oppressurum quam paratum quamvis magno exercitu. [4] hac delatus in Ciliciam, egressus inde, dies noctesque iter faciens Taurum transit eoque quo studuerat venit. quaerit quibus locis sit Aspis: cognoscit haud longe abesse profectumque tum venatum. quem dum speculatur, adventus eius causa cognoscitur. Pisidas cum iis, quos secum habebat, ad resistendum Aspis comparat. [5] id Datames ubi audivit, arma sumit, suos sequi iubet; ipse equo concitato ad hostem vehitur. quem procul Aspis conspiciens ad se ferentem pertimescit atque a conatu resistendi deterritus sese dedidit. hunc Datames vinctum ad regem ducendum tradit Mithridati.

  IV. As he was raising an army with the utmost diligence, and preparing to set out for Egypt, a letter was unexpectedly sent him by the king, desiring him to attack Aspis, who then held Cataonia, a country which lies above Cilicia, and borders on Cappadocia. Aspis, occupying a woody country, defended with fortresses, not only refused to obey the king’s orders, but ravaged the neighbouring provinces, and intercepted whatever was being conveyed to the king. Datames, though he was far distant from those parts, and was drawn off from a greater matter, yet thought it necessary to yield to the king’s wish. He therefore went on board a ship with a few brave followers, thinking (what really happened) that he would more easily overcome him, when unaware of his approach and unprepared, than when ready to meet him, though with ever so great an army. Sailing in this vessel to the coast of Cilicia, landing there, and marching day and night, he passed Mount Taurus, and arrived at the part to which he had directed his course. He inquired where Aspis was, and learned that he was not far off, and was gone to hunt. While he was watching for his return, the cause of his coming became known, and Aspis prepared the Pisidians, and the attendants that he had with him, to offer resistance. When Datames heard this, he took up his arms, and ordered his men to follow him; he himself, setting spurs to his horse, rode on to meet the enemy. Aspis, seeing him, from a distance, advancing upon him, was struck with fear, and, being deterred from his resolution to resist,
delivered himself up. Datames consigned him in chains to Mithridates, to be conducted to the king.

  5. Haec dum geruntur, Artaxerxes reminiscens, a quanto bello ad quam parvam rem principem ducum misisset, se ipse reprehendit et nuntium ad exercitum Acen misit, quod nondum Datamen profectum putabat, qui diceret, ne ab exercitu discederet. hic priusquam perveniret, quo erat profectus, in itinere convenit, qui Aspim ducebant. [2] qua celeritate cum magnam benivolentiam regis Datames consecutus esset, non minorem invidiam aulicorum excepit, quod illum unum pluris quam se omnes fieri videbant. quo facto cuncti ad eum opprimendum consenserunt. [3] haec Pandantes, gazae custos regiae, amicus Datami, perscripta ei mittit, in quibus docet eum in magno fore periculo, si quid illo imperante adversi in Aegypto accidisset. [4] namque eam esse consuetudinem regiam, ut casus adversos hominibus tribuant, secundos fortunae suae: quo fieri ut facile impellantur ad eorum perniciem, quorum ductu res male gestae nuntientur. illum hoc maiore fore in discrimine, quod, quibus rex maxime oboediat, eos habeat inimicissimos. [5] talibus ille litteris cognitis, cum iam ad exercitum Acen venisset, quod non ignorabat ea vere scripta, desciscere a rege constituit. neque tamen quicquam fecit, quod fide sua esset indignum. [6] nam Mandroclem Magnetem exercitui praefecit; ipse cum suis in Cappadociam discedit coniunctamque huic Paphlagoniam occupat, celans, qua voluntate esset in regem. clam cum Ariobarzane facit amicitiam, manum comparat, urbes munitas suis tuendas tradit.